Child Trafficking or Labor Migration? A Historical Perspective from Mali’s Dogon Country PDF
Preview Child Trafficking or Labor Migration? A Historical Perspective from Mali’s Dogon Country
Isaie Dougnon Child Trafficking or Labor Migration? A Historical Perspective from Mali’s Dogon Country In2000,Mali’sMinistryforthePromotionofWomen,Children,andtheFamily askeddonorsfor824millionWestAfricanFrancs(CFA;$1.7million)tofightchild traffickinginneighboringCoted’Ivoire.Thequestionofchildtraffickingquickly drewsomuchattentionfromstateandprivatelyownedmediathatitsubmergedother issues,suchasAIDSorpoverty.AssoonasthedebatewaslaunchedinMali,child traffickingbecametheobjectofamoralcondemnationsostrongthatfewresearchers havedaredtoexamineitfromahistoricalandsocioculturalangle.Suchanapproach, however,canputintostrongreliefthedisparitybetweentheregionalpoliticsof applyingformalinternationalconventionsonchildlaborandlocalwaysofthinking aboutlaborandthelifecycleinruralMaliansocieties.Inwhatfollows,Iattemptto dojustthatwhilefocusingonthevillagesandvillagersofwhatiscommonlyknown as‘‘Dogoncountry.’’Asscholarshavedoneinothercontexts,Iwouldliketobring outthedoubletensionbetweenthevictimsoftrafficking(peasantsandtheirchildren) andgovernmentofficials—notonlyaroundtheconceptofchildtraffickingitselfbut also,andespecially,thequestionthatbearsonthesocialandmoralresponsibilityof theanonymoustraffickersandtheimpoverishedparents.1 Itishardtodaytoengageindebateoverchildtraffickinginthepoorcountriesof WestAfricawithoutreferringtothevariousUnitedNationsconventionsonhuman rights,andespeciallytheInternationalLaborOrganization’sConvention182,the ‘‘WorstFormsofChildLabor’’Convention,adoptedJune17,1999.Thisconvention isoneofthenewlegalinstrumentsintendedtoeliminatethe‘‘worstforms’’ofchild laborinthesameveinastheILO’searlierForcedLaborConvention(1930),aswellas theUN’sSupplementaryConventionontheAbolitionofSlavery,theSlaveTrade, andInstitutionsandPracticesSimilartoSlavery(1956). Howistraffickinginchildrendefinedintheseinternationallegalmaterials? AccordingtoArticle3oftheconvention,theworstformsofchildlaborare:‘‘allforms ofslaveryorpracticessimilartoslavery,suchasthesaleandtraffickingofchildren, debtbondageandserfdomandforcedorcompulsorylabor,includingforcedor compulsoryrecruitmentofchildrenforuseinarmedconflict;(b)theuse,procuring orofferingofachildforprostitution,fortheproductionofpornographyorforporno- graphicperformances;(c)theuse,procuringorofferingofachildforillicitactivities, inparticularfortheproductionandtraffickingofdrugsasdefinedintherelevant internationaltreaties;(d)workwhich,byitsnatureorthecircumstancesinwhichit iscarriedout,islikelytoharmthehealth,safetyormoralsofchildren.’’2Convention 182doesnotopenlygiveadefinitionoftraffickinginchildren,nordoesitoffera 85 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:51:21 PS PAGE85 MAURITANIA MALI NIGER SENEGAL Dogon Country THE GAMBIA Bamako • BURKINA FASO GUINEA BENIN GUINEA-BISSAU NIGERIA SIERRA LEONE GHANA IVORY COAST Kumasi LIBERIA • Accra • TOGO 0 200 400 600 km 0 100 200 300 400 mi Figure1:MapofContemporaryWestAfricawithDogonCountry specificapproachtothisphenomenon,whichisexplicitlymentionedinArticle3(a): ‘‘allformsofslaveryorpracticessimilartoslavery,suchasthesaleandtraffickingof children.’’InadditiontoConvention182,thereisalsotheConventionontheRights oftheChild(1989),Article35ofwhichcondemns‘‘theabductionof,thesaleofor trafficinchildrenforanypurposeorinanyform.’’If‘‘traffickinginchildren’’isleft withoutexplicitdefinition,traffickingistakenupintheUNProtocoltoPrevent, SuppressandPunishTraffickinginPersons,EspeciallyWomenandChildren,supple- mentingtheUnitedNationsConventionagainstTransnationalOrganizedCrime (2000).Itscrucialarticlerepeatstheworstformsalreadymentionedinthetwoearlier conventionsandinnumerousotherdocumentsnegotiatedininternationalconfer- ences.3 Whateverdefinitionisgivenineachofthesedocuments,traffickingappearsasa phase—andthemostodious—ofthecycleofexploitationofchildrenaswellasadults, anditdemandstheurgentactionoftheinternationalcommunity.Thephenomenon isdeclaredtobeaglobaloneandnocountryisspared,whetherasasource,transit point,ordestinationoftraffickedchildren.TheILOestimatesthatmorethanten millionadultsandchildrenaresubjecttosomeformofforcedlabor,bondedlabor, orcommercialsexualservitudeatanygiventime,whileUNICEFestimatedin2004 thattraffickinginchildrenaffectedapproximately1.2millionchildreneachyear.4 Allthesignatorycountriesoftheconventionstargetingchildtraffickingarecalled upontodevelopnationalprogramsaimedtoeliminateitonceandforall.Convention 182specifiesthattheseprogramsareintendedtofunctioninconsultationwithpublic 86 Humanity Spring2011 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:53:05 PS PAGE86 institutionsandorganizationsofemployersandworkers,ifnecessary,bytakingthe viewsofotherinterestedgroupsintoconsideration. Ifthisglobaldiscourseofchildtraffickingisproducedandpopularizedfrom Geneva,hereIexaminehowitistakenupbystateofficialsinMali.Isitapplied mechanicallyoraccommodatedconceptuallytolocalhistoricalandsocialrealities? Howhavethewords‘‘traffic’’and‘‘work’’beentranslatedintootherlanguages?To whatdegreehaveconcernedgroupsandinterestedparties—peasantparentsof workingchildrenontheonehandandurbanheadsofhouseholdswhoaretheir principalemployersontheother—beeninvolvedinthecampaign,ascalledforin Convention182,Article3?Anethnographicandhistoricalapproachtotherelationship betweendomesticlaborandpaidlaborinanAfricanpostcolonymayprovideaway toanswerthesequestions. InseveralnotesoftheILO’sInternationalProgramontheEliminationofChild Labor,Maliwastargetedasoneofthecountrieswherechildtraffickingsurpassed expectations.Infact,Maliisgenerallyconsideredtopresentalltheeconomicand geographicconditionsfavoringtraffickingonalargescale.Meanwhile,Mali’spolitical context,characterizedsince1991byaprocessofpeacefuldemocratization,favorsall debatesthattouchonhumanrights.Infact,inademocraticfever,Malievencreated in1992anephemeralMinistryforHumanRights.Humanrightsarecostlyina countrylikeMali,andpeopleaskedthemselveshowaMinistryforHumanRights couldsurviveinMaliifglobalinstitutionsgaveitnofunds. ButitisnotonlypoliticalconditionsthatmakeMaliaprivilegedsiteofdebate andactionaroundchildtrafficking.Onemustalsoconsidertheeconomic,demo- graphic,andhistoricalcontext.In2006,thecountry’spopulationwasover12million, witha2.2percentannualgrowthrateandanaveragepopulationdensityof7.9inhabi- tantspersquaremile.About73percentofMali’scitizensliveinruralsettingsand nearly50percentareunderfifteenyearsold.Withagrossnationalproductpercapita of$268,Maliisamongthepoorestcountriesintheworld,accordingtothe2009 reportoftheUNDevelopmentProgram—inwhichMaliisranked178thofthe182 surveyednations.5 Forthesereasons,Malihasbeenacountrywithhighemigrationtoitsneighbors forseveraldecades.Thepointisnottosimplydismissconcernforchildtraffickingas paternalisticbuttoenrich,asLawrenceCohenhasargued,thecontextualsensitivity tothesituationofthosewhoengageinthestigmatizedactivity.Economicindigency willnotdisappearbecauseofmoralorlegalnorms,andtherelativerisksandbenefits of‘‘trafficking’’—includingthequestionofavailablealternatives—mustalwaysbe keptinview,asaconsiderableliteratureonthephenomenonsuggests.6 Butthereisalsoacrucialperspectiveontraffickingaffordedbyanapproach combiningethnographyandhistory.Fordemographicandhistoricalreasons,thereis nowaytoseparateadiscussionoftheworstformsofchildlaborfromthehistoryof ruralmigrationpatterns.Onlyafewyearsago,demographersweredeeplyconcerned withthemigrationofthepeasantrytotowns,butaconcernwithchildtraffickinghas takentheplaceofthisfocus.Currently,itisestimatedthat,withinthreetofive decades,60to70percentofAfricanswillliveinurbansettings.Thequestionbecomes whatsortofcitytheywillhave.AsGunnarMyrdalobservedin1972,‘‘Urbanization Dougnon:ChildTraffickingorLaborMigration? 87 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:53:05 PS PAGE87 isthusmoreareactionagainstthelackofvigorouseconomicgrowththanaresponse torisinglevelsofincomeperhead.Indeed,muchofitisduetofactorsinhibiting economicdevelopment,suchascivilwars,instability,andcropfailures,aswellasto excessiveratesofpopulationgrowth.’’7InMalithisdevelopmentgrowsonlymore obviouseachyear,withthedecliningproductionofcottonandcereals.Inthevillages, hungerisnotamemorybutacyclicalfamiliarity.Themovementofyoungpeasants totheurbancentersobservedforfortyyearsinthecountriesoftheGreatLakesregion aswellasinthoseofWestAfricaismostlyevidenceofruralpoverty,insecurity,civil wars,politicalinstability,andexcessivedemographicgrowth,thoughitisalsolinked toinitiationandritual.8 Indeed,themovementofyoungAfricanshasreachedEurope,inspiteofphysical andlegalbarrierserectedagainstthem.Infact,thedebateaboutchildtraffickingis alsoinseparablefromtheproblemoftherightsofimmigrantandundocumented workers,bothontheAfricancontinentaswellasinEuropeandtheUnitedStates. Allso-calledirregularmigration,whethermajororminor,islikelytobeunderstood astheproductofanetworkoftraffickersbasedontheMediterraneancoastsandwith far-flungconnectionstothecountriesoftheSahel(Mali,Mauritania,andSenegal,in particular).Thisjustifies,inpart,thehardeningofmeasuresofexpulsionandimpris- onmentof‘‘irregular’’migrantsandtherelentlesspursuitofthosewhosmugglethem. MaliappearstotheEuropeanUnionasthecountrywherebothmigrantsandsmug- glersaremostprominent.TherecentcreationoftheMigrationInformationand ManagementCenter(Centred’InformationsetdeGestiondesMigrants,CIGEM), basedinBamakobutfundedbytheEU,atteststothisfact.Theconnectionbetween thefearofaninvasionofworkersfrompoorcountriesandtheproblemofchild trafficking(ortraffickingingeneral)isobvious.Itisonereason,amongothers,forthe financingbywealthycountriesofnumeroussocialscientificstudiesthatfocusonthe connectionbetweentraffickingandmigration,onthepremisethattraffickersexploit thedifficultconditionsinwhichbothchildandadultmigrantsfindthemselvesin theirsearchforwork. Inkeepingwithsuchinitiatives,theMinistryfortheProtectionofWomen, Children,andFamiliesdevelopedanationalplanfor2001–2020tocombatseveral formsofchildtrafficking.Fortheexecutionofthisplan,thegovernmentcreatedan administrativeandinstitutionalframeworkwhichinvolvedseveralministriesandcivil societygroups.9EachministryandNGOwascharged,accordingtoitsspecialization, withresponsibilityforoneformoftrafficinchildren.Forexample,theMinistryof LaborandEducationaddresses‘‘children’slabor.’’TheMinistryofYouthwasdirected totakechargeofthecriminalaspectsofthetrafficinchildren.TheMinistryofTerri- torialAdministrationandCommunitiessupervisesquestionsrelatedtothecirculation andsafetyofchildren.OnJune23,2000,anationalcommitteewasformedand instructedtoexamineandevaluatethenationalplanofactionforthesurvivalof children.Tothiscommittee,alongsideministryofficials,NGOrepresentativesand developmentpartnerswereappointed.Inadditiontothevariousministries,for example,anationalNGO,theMalianCoalitionforChildren’sRights(COMADE), hadaseat. Whatifsuchinternationalinquiriesandtheirnationalreflectionsweretotake 88 Humanity Spring2011 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:53:07 PS PAGE88 accountofthevoicesofmigrantsorchildrenalongtheway?Whatversionofthefacts wouldtheygive?Intheirveryzealtoaidthem,acomplexofthestateandcertain NGOsandassociationshasliterallysubstituteditselfforthesepoorchildmigrants andtheirparents.Tobespecific,letustakethecaseofDogoncountry,which accordingtoofficialdocumentsoftheServicedude´veloppementsocialetdel’e´co- nomiesolidaireisoneofthezonesmostdisposedtochildtrafficking.10Theethnog- raphyoftheruralexodusfromtheDogoncountry,togetherwiththehistoryoflabor organizationinthecolonialera,providescriticalperspectives. EthnographyandHistoryasWindowsonChildTrafficking First,wemustclearlydefinetheobjectatthecenterofouranalysis:untilwhatageis oneachild,andwhatisitthatwemeanbythephrase‘‘childtrafficking’’?UNICEF expertsconsideranyoneundereighteenyearsofagetobeachild.AndMali’sNational MinistryforthePromotionofChildrenandtheFamilygivesthefollowingdefinition of‘‘childtrafficking’’: Childtraffickingisdefinedasanyactinvolvingtherecruitment,transport,transfer (fencing),orsaleofchildrenwithinnationalboundariesorabroad.Childtraf- fickinghasmultipleresults:sexualexploitation,adoption,labor,criminalactivities, begging,armedconflict,sports,marriage,andorgantrafficking.11 CivilservantsandNGOworkershavedrawndonors’attentiontothesocialand ethicalaspectsoftheproblem,arguingthatchildtraffickingisa‘‘newformofslavery’’ andshouldbebanned.TheregionsofSikassoandSeguandtheDogoncountryhave beencitedaszonesdisposedtowardchildtrafficking.TheBamana,Senoufo,and Dogonethnicitiesareoftencitedasbeingaffectedbytrafficking.Nongovernmental organizations,governmentadministrators,andlawenforcementagenciesholdforums todiscusssolutionstothisscourge;afewpeasantsareinvitedtotheseconferencesas well.12 TheDogoncountry,accordingtotheministry’sfindings,isthezonewherechild traffickingisthemostintense.ThecerclesofBankass,Koro,Douentza,andBandiagara supply‘‘bargainchildren’’totheCoted’Ivoire,Sikasso,Bamako,andMecca,inSaudi Arabia.AccordingtotheBritishconsulateinMali,13adocumentaryonchildtraf- fickinginDogoncountrythatwasshownintheUKsparkedtheindignationof MalianslivinginLondon.SomeofthemsworethatMali’sDogonarenotcapableof suchatrocities,particularlyinrelationtotheirownchildren. Indeed,tosubmittodonorsareporttitled‘‘ChildTraffickinginDogonCountry’’ istosuggestthatDogonpeasantstakepartinthistrafficinonewayoranother.In anycase,thiswastheexamplepresentedtotheBritishpublic.Butdoesasystemof recruitment,transport,transfer,andthesaleofchildrenfromtheDogoncountryto otherMaliancitiesortotheCoted’Ivoirereallyexist?Ifso,doDogonpeasantsplay aroleinthistrade?Thereisnotasinglepieceofhistoricalevidencetosupportthe argumentthatparentsareinvolvedinthesaleoftheirchildren.Theinadequaciesof officialdefinitionsofchildlaborinlocalcontextsresultinpartfromthefactthatin Malianvillagesthereisnodistinctionbetweendomesticlaborandthetypeoflabor performedforwagesintownsandcities,asChanrasekhardemonstrateswithreference Dougnon:ChildTraffickingorLaborMigration? 89 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:53:08 PS PAGE89 tochildlaborinIndia.14Thatbeingthecase,whywouldn’tachildwhoworksinthe villagedothesameintown,orelsewhere? Examiningthequestionofchildtraffickingfromanhistoricalandanthropological perspective,whiledrawingonthetestimonyofmigrantsandoncolonialarchives, allowsonetoavoidmakingthesameanalyticalerrorsasthosewhoheraldthereturn ofbarbarisminAfrica.Weshouldinterrogateboththecolonialpastandthepresent ofmigration,whilescrutinizingtherelationshipbetweenthecitiesandthecoun- tryside.Inordertodoso,Ibasemyanalysisonmaterialcollectedbetween2001and 2003amongmigrantsfromDogoncountryinGhanaandinthevastirrigatedzone knownastheOfficeduNiger,amongmigrantswhohavereturnedtoDogoncountry afterasojourninthecitiesoftheWestAfricansubregion,andamongthosewhohave neverleftthevillage.Tothequestion‘‘Howdidyoucometosellyourchildren?’’ peasantsgavethefollowingresponse: No,thereisnotrafficinchildrenatBankass.It’stheNGOswhosaythatthereis atrafficandthattheyaregoingtohelpustofightit.Whatwe’veknownsince the‘‘timeoftheWhites’’[colonization]istheruralexodus,orthemigrationof theyouth.Ifthereisatrafficinchildren,itisinthecountrywhereourchildren go,andnothere[cheznous]. ThiskindofNGOdiscourse,socommonsincethe1980sinregardtoAfrica,takes placeinthecontextofthechangingfocusofdevelopmentprojects:genitalmutilation, organtrafficking,childlabor,therightsofwomenandchildren,nationalsolidarity programs,andsoon.15 Onecoulddeducefromthedefinitionof‘‘childtrafficking’’thatifaboyoragirl youngerthaneighteenmovestoanewsettingmoreorlessdistantfromhisorher birthvillage,thisistheeffectoftrafficking.16Butateighteenyearsold,isonereallya childinaMalianvillage?Thisfalsedefinitionofthe‘‘predicament’’meansthattalib´es, orstudentsinQur’anicschools,aresuddenlydesignatedasvictimsoftrafficking.17 ArethepeasantswhoentrusttheirchildrentoQur’anicschoolteachersunawareofthe factthattheywillbeexposedtomisery,deprivation,exploitation,andthedishonesty oftheteachers? Leavingasidethetalib´es,theyoungbeggars,andthechildrenusedbyadult beggars,seasonalorpermanentmigrationispracticedbyyoungmenoffourteento thirtyyearsofageandbygirlsoryoungwomenthirteentoeighteenyearsold.18They themselvesdecidetoleave.Apeasantwouldhaveahardtimeforbiddinghissonor daughtertotakepartinwhatisconsideredtobeavillagetradition.Manyfamily headsdonotevenknowthedestinationstheirchildrenhavechosen.Theymayhave soughttodissuadethembytellingthemthattheyareleavingforregionswheretheir predecessorswereshamelesslyexploited,andfromwhichtheyreturnedpoorerthan whentheyleft,buttheyoungpeopleleaveallthesame.Theirparentshavenopower overthem.Onefineday,theysimplyleave,withoutinforminganyoneatall.Some- timesasmanyastwentyyoungpeopleleaveavillageonthesameday.Howthencan onetalkaboutatrafficinchildreninthezoneofdeparture?Infact,manypeasants wereshockedtohearallegationsthattheywereinvolvedinthesaleoftheirchildren 90 Humanity Spring2011 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:53:11 PS PAGE90 to‘‘labormerchants.’’Accordingtothepeasants,theveryideaisaninsultmanufac- turedbycertainNGOsinsearchoffunding. Infact,thefirstproblemoneconfrontsinattemptingtoanalyzethequestionof thetraffickingofMalianchildrenistheabsenceoftrustworthystatisticsthatdistin- guishbetweenchildrenwhohavearrivedinthecityvoluntarilyandthosewhohave actuallybeensold.StudiescarriedoutinDogoncountry,inSikasso,andintheCote d’Ivoireweredonesoquickly—inordertostarttheflowoffundingtoopposethe traffic—thattheirreliabilityissuspect.TheMinistryforthePromotionofWomen, Children,andtheFamilyestimatesthatasmanyas15,000Malianchildrenareillegally exploitedintheCoted’Ivoire.Thesechildrencomefromthemostimpoverished regions,intermsofeconomicandeducationalinfrastructure.In2001,of523repa- triatedchildren,128werefromtheregionofMopti,including92childrenfrom Bankass,inDogoncountry.19Thus‘‘trafficking’’becomesasurvivalstrategyforpoor ruralfamilies. Theideaof‘‘childtrafficking,’’asdefinedabove,limitsthediscussiontothemost easilyvisibleaspectoftheproblemofthemigrationofyoungpeople.Thisaspectof migrationisnotspecifictoMaliortoanyotherAfricancountry.Indeed,certain formsofsuffering—deathinthecourseofthevoyage,illegaldetention,forcedlabor, torture,discrimination,prostitution,criminality,theabsenceoflibertiesandlegal protections—areattheheartofthediscussiononglobalizationandmigrationin SoutheastAsiaduringtheperiodofthe‘‘economicmiracle.’’20Thesameistruein WestAfrica,whereyoungpeoplewithaburningdesiretoleaveforthecitytowork inordertomeettheirpersonalneedsandthoseoftheirfamiliesfallintotrapslaidby unscrupulousemployersandtheircriminalintermediaries. Considerthesituationofthoseminorsinurbancenterswhoaredubbed‘‘appren- tices.’’Althoughtheyarenotconsideredchildlaborersbythevariousorganizations fightingthatscourge,theyarelegioninallfamilybusinesses,rangingfromautorepair, construction,andcommercetomasonry,garmentwork,soapmanufacture,carpentry, urbanandintercitytransport.A1962lawoutliningaCodeofLaborintheRepublic ofMaliattemptedtogoverntheconditionsoftheapprenticeshipcontract.Article4 ofthelawstates: Thecontractofapprenticeshipisonethroughwhichaperson,calledthemaster, undertakestogiveorhavegiventoanotherperson,calledtheapprentice,a methodical,progressive,andcompleteprofessionaltraining.Throughthiscontract theapprenticeisobligated,inexchange,tofollowthedirectionthathereceives andtofulfillthetasksthatareaccordedhimasanapprentice.21 Itisworthnotingwhatthelawsaysabouttheageoftheprospectiveapprentice. Article5statesthat‘‘noapprenticecanbecontractedunlessheisatleast14yearsold.’’ AndArticle21coversthecaseofchildrenyoungerthanfourteen,whichistosay minors,inspecifyingthat‘‘acontractoflaborconcludedwithaminorisnotvalid unlessithasbeenapprovedinwritingbyhisfather(orthepersonexercisingpaternal authority)andunlesstheminorhasnoschoolobligations.’’ Bymentioningtheword‘‘minor’’thelawtakesaccountofasocialrealitythat Mali—lackinguniversaleducation—hasnomeanstoforbidorcondemn.Thelegis- Dougnon:ChildTraffickingorLaborMigration? 91 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:53:11 PS PAGE91 latorsof1962knewthatchildrenbeganapprenticeshipsbetweenfourandsevenyears ofage.Today,hundredsof‘‘workingtoddlers’’canbeseeninalltheworkshopsof Bamako.Further,thelawstipulatesthatthecontractsmustbewritteninFrench.In practice,thereisnocontract.Theparentsoftheminors,oftendestitute,arequite simplypleasedtoseetheirchildrenlearnatradethatwillallowthemtofilltheir bellies.Manychildrenwhowanderthestreetsdonotevenhavethisopportunity.Of whatcontractcanonespeakwhenneitherthemasternortheparentsofthechild knowshowtoreadandwrite?Thelawfixesatrialperiodofthreemonthsandthe apprenticeshipitselfatfouryears.Heretoo,thefactsshowthattheapprenticesremain withtheirmastersorleavethembehinddependingonwhetherornottheyfeelable togetalongwithoutoriftheysimplyfeelfedup.Onthewhole,thelawdefends,for betterandworse,theinterestsofbothminorandnon-minoryouth.Butineveryday practiceofapprenticeshipinthelargecitiesofMali,theonlyclauseoftheappren- ticeshipcontractisthemoodofthemaster. Justaschildreninthepoorneighborhoodsofwhatarenowpostcolonialurban centershadthepossibilityofenteringintoanapprenticeshipbetweenfourand fourteenyearsofage,thosewholivedincertainruralareasintheerabeforeindepen- dencemigratedtothosesamecentersassoonastheyhadthestrengthtotravel.What dothecolonialarchivesandexistingethnographiestellusabouttheircases?Andhow dotheirelderstalkabout‘‘childtrafficking’’? ANewNameforanOldPractice Boththetalesofmigrantsandcolonial-erareportsspeakofthenatureandtheconse- quencesoftheexploitationofyoungmigrantslookingforwork.Formermigrants warnyoungcandidatesformigrationofthedangerstowhichtheywouldexpose themselves.Peasantsarewellawarethattomigrateistogoatone’sownrisk,and manylocalsongsdepictthedangersofquittingthebirthvillage.InDogoncountry, thepeasantshavedevelopeddistinctconceptsofwhattodayiscalled‘‘childtraf- ficking’’andofitselimination,forwhichtheministryhasaskedformorethan800 millionCFA. 1. InDogon,baragunu—literally‘‘gatherandplace’’—designatesthemannerin whichmigrantsenroutetoworkplacesarecontactedbyrecruitersintrucks.Theyare offeredworkandanattractivesalary.Oncetheverbalcontractisestablished,the migrantsaretransportedbytrucktoastateofslaveryincocoaorcoffeefields,from whichmanyareeventuallyliberatedorescapeontheirown. 2. Baragoonu—literally‘‘gatherandtakeaway’’—designatestheoppositeprocess, thepracticeoftakingmigrantsawayfromtheiremployersandbringingthemback home.OverthelastseveralyearsinDogoncountry,villagesorassociationsofvillages haveorganizedtheresearchandrepatriationoftheiryoungemigrants.22Duringthe colonialperiod,itwasthemigrantsthemselveswhoworkedtogethertoorganizethe returnoftheirpeerswhowerebeingheldinastateofslaveryinthereceivingcoun- tries.23 Wewillseebelow,inadditiontothestoriesofmigrantsthemselves,howthe BritishcolonialadministrationintheGoldCoastconfrontedtwotypesofexploitation 92 Humanity Spring2011 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:53:14 PS PAGE92 ofmigrantsandchildren,whichtheytermed‘‘illegalrecruitment’’and‘‘juvenile employment.’’Butletusbeginwiththetestimoniesofthemigrants. InDecember1927,whilevisitingthemarketinSan(Mali),theFrenchadminis- trator,orcommandantducercle,metaBobopeasantnamedKabaiKamate´ whowas speakingEnglish.Askedwherehehadlearnedthelanguage,Kamate´ respondedthat hehadspenteighteenmonthsintheGoldCoastasasawyer.AccordingtoKamate´, thereweremanyMossiintheGoldCoast,aswellasmanyIvoirians.Headdedthat whenheandhiscompanionshadcrossedtheBritishborderinthedistrictofPoˆ, Haute-Volta(contemporaryBurkinaFaso),severalAfricansarguedoverthenewly arrivedmigrants,competingtoofferthemwork.TherewerenoEuropeansamong theserecruiters,accordingtoKamate´,buttheyhadallbeensentbyBritish merchants.24MigrantsfromDogoncountryconfirmedthatatthetime,theethnicities thatacceptedtoworkinthebush(enbrousse)—theMossi,theDogomba,the Frafra—werevictimsoflocalrecruitersintheGoldCoast.25Recruitedenroute,these migrantsworkedontheplantationsforayearwithoutpay.Suchwasthecaseofthis peasant,shamelesslyexploitedin1937inSikasso,southernMali,byaproducerofcola nuts: Itwasthetaxesthatworeusdown.Myparentsweredead.Myunclewasthe villagechiefofYugo.Ileftthevillagetolookfor[moneytopay]thetaxes.FirstI workedinBanjugu,whereIweededfortwomonths.WiththemoneyIearned,I wenttoMoptionfoot.Thereamanofferedmeworkinhisfieldofcolanutsin Sikasso.IwaswithaMossi.Weworkedallyearlong,andthemanpaidus.[But] wefoundoutthat,intheend,themankilledhisemployees.OnenighttheMossi andIfled.IwoundupinAbengoroinCoted’Ivoire,whereIworkedforsix monthsinthecocoafields,thenIarrivedinGoldCoastin1939.26 IntheGoldCoast,thehogonoftheDogoncolonyinKumasirecruitedonbehalfof therichAshantiplanters.Themigrantsinterviewedwereunanimousintheirdepiction oftheroleofthismanintheexploitationofimmigrantswholodgedwithhim.27At thetime,theDogon,thePeul,theBambara,andothersallpassedthroughhim.He wasthepersonalfriendoftheasantehene,thekingoftheAshanti,andofotherlocal chiefs. Whowasthishogonrecruiter?AnativeofthevillageofQuile`gu(cercleofBandi- agara),hewasbornaround1890.HearrivedonfootinOuagadougouin1906,andin GoldCoastin1908.HeworkedintheyamfieldsinAtibobo,whichatthetimewas alittlevillagesevenkilometersfromKumasi.Severalyearslater,helefttoworkinthe minesatBantakou.ThefuturehogonlefttheminesofBantakouforthoseofSame´- Prestea,thenatObuasi.Oncehehadaccumulatedasmallsumofmoney,hereturned toKumasi,wherehetookupworkasatailor.Hebecamesowealthythatheowned aboubouwithgoldenstitching.Hehadfourwives:onewasHausa,oneGonja,one Dogon,andonePeul.Hewasthefatherofseventeenchildren,fourofwhomwere girls.Todayhehas113descendants. Accordingtothehogon’ssecondwife,thevastmajorityofmigrantslodgedwith herspousebeforecontinuingonforAccra,Obusai,Takoradi,Same´-Prestea,N’Suta, orTakwa-Aboss.ThemigrantsweregivenhisaddressbeforeleavingDogoncountry. Dougnon:ChildTraffickingorLaborMigration? 93 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:53:15 PS PAGE93 OntheirwaytoKumasi,somemigrants,exhaustedandwithoutresources,boarded carsoperatingonthesystemof‘‘payonarrival.’’28Thehogonwouldpaythedrivers andoftengivesomepocketmoneytothemigrants.Themigrantsintransitwereoften sonumerousthattheysleptinthevestibuleofhiscompoundorinsheltersbuiltto accommodatethem.ThePeul,theSonghay,andtheHausaentrustedtheirlivestock tohiscare.Insum,hewasanimportantbroker,butnoneofthiswasfree,asthe migrantslearnedwhentheyfoundthemselvesforcedtoworkinthebushoutside Kumasi.Accordingtocertainmigrants,thewealthofthehogoncamefromthe‘‘sale’’ ofmanymigrantstorichAshantiplanters.Howdidtheysteerthemigrantsaway fromtheminesandtowardtheplantations? TheHost-RecruiterofMigrants AmigrantnamedPe´rou,whoarrivedinKumasiwithelevencompatriots,recounts howtheirhostmadethemleaveforworkintheAshantibush: Whenhearrivedathishome,hetoldusthattherewasnoworkinthetownof Kumasi.Heproposedthatwegointothebush,andweacceptedhisproposition. HeaskedaZermatobringustotheworksite.Itwascontractlabor.Theenter- prise,runbysomeWhites,wasbuildingaroadbetweenBogsayeandAwonso.We workedforfourdays.Weweren’tgivenanythingtoeat.Westoppedworking.We gavethetoolsbacktotheWhiteswhorefusedtopayusfortheworkwehad done.Fromthere,weleftonfootforDugon,wherewestayedforthreedayswith aMossifromNangadourou(cercleofKoro).WhilewewerewiththeMossi,the Zermajoinedus.Heaskedustogobacktoworkbecausehehadpaidourhost forthelabor.Wetoldhimthatnotoneofuswashisson[i.e.,wedidnotowe himobedience],andthatifheinsistedweweregoingtobeathimtodeath.Itwas hisbusiness,tosellmigrantstothehighestbidder. Betweenthetwelvemigrantsandtheirhost(thehogon),therewasanintermediary, therecruiter,aZermafromNiger.Itwashewhosoughtlaborforaprivateenterprise. Atthetime,alltherecruiterssoughtoutthedoyensofthedifferentethnicgroupsof migrants,becauseitwastheywhohousedthemigrants.Thesedoyensweregenerally chiefs,recognizedbythecolonialandlocalauthorities.Therecruitersgenerally workedforprivateenterprises,notablytheLebaneseandtheItalians,aswellasforthe Ashantiplanters.Theemployerspaidtherecruitersandtreatedthemigrantslike slaves.Thelattersoughttheirsalvationinflight. TakethecaseofaDogonmannamedGuindo,whoarrivedatthehomeofhis hostwiththreecomrades.Thedayaftertheirarrival,thehostaskedthemtogointo theAshantibush.Theysaidno.Heaskedthemtoleavehishouseiftheydidnot wanttoworkfortheAshanti.‘‘Itwasalwayslikethat,’’saidGuindo.‘‘Youagreeto workforhisAshantifriendsoryouleavehishouse.’’Anothermanrecountedhowhis hosthadchasedhimandhisfriendsfromhishousewhentheyrefusedtoworkfor theAshanti. Onenight,wesleptatthehomeofourhost,whomeveryonecalledthehogonof theDogon.HesoldtheDogontotheAshanti.ItwasduringtheSecondWorld 94 Humanity Spring2011 .................17987$ $CH7 02-14-1115:53:17 PS PAGE94
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