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392 Pages·1987·15.88 MB·English
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CHILD SURVIVAL CULTURE, ILLNESS, AND HEALING Editors: MARGARET LOCK Departments of Anthropology and Humanities and Social Studies in Medicine, McGill University, Montreal, Canada ALLAN YOUNG Department of Anthropology, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.A. Editorial Board: LIZA BERKMAN Department of Epidemiology, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A. RONALD FRANKENBERG Centre for Medical and Social Anthropology, University ofK eele, England ATWOOD D. GAINES Departments of Anthropology and Psychiatry, Case Western Reserve University and Medical School, Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.A. GILBERT LEWIS Department of Anthropology, University of Cambridge, England GANANATH OBEYESEKERE Department of Anthropology, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey, U.S.A. ANDREAS ZEMPLENI Laboratoire d' Ethnologie et de Sociologie Comparative, Universite de Paris X, Nanterre, France CHILD SURVIVAL Anthropological Perspectives on the Treatment and Maltreatment of Children Edited by NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley D. REIDEL PUBLISHING COMPANY A MEMBER OF THE KLUWER ACADEMIC PVBLlSHERS GROUP DORDRECHT / BOSTON / LANCASTER / TOKYO Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Child survival (Culture, illness, and healing) Bibliography: p. Includes index 1. Child abuse - Congresses. 2. Child welfare - Congresses. 1. Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. II. Series HV6626.5.C497 1987 362.7'044 87-23519 ISBN-13: 978-1-55608-029-6 e-ISBN-13:978-94-009-3393-4 00I: 10.1007/978-94-009-3393-4 Published by D. Reidel Publishing Company, P.O. Box 17, 3300 AA Dordrecht, Holland. Sold and distributed in the U.S.A. and Canada by Kluwer Academic Publishers, 101 Philip Drive, Norwell, MA 02061, U.S.A. In all other countries, sold and distributed by Kluwer Academic Publishers Group, P.O. Box 322, 3300 AH Dordrecht, Holland. All Rights Reserved © 1987 by D. Reidel Publishing Company, Dordrecht, Holland Softcover reprint oft he hardcover 1s t edition 1987 and copyrightholders as specified on appropriate pages within No part of the material protected by this copyright notice may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the copyright owner Dedication To mothers and children at risk, at home and abroad TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ~ NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES / Introduction: The Cultural Politics of Child Survival 1 PART I: POPULATION, FERTILITY, AND CHILD SURVIVAL SULAMITH HEINS POTTER / Birth Planning in Rural China: A Cultural Account 33 SARA HARKNESS and CHARLES M. SUPER / Fertility Change, Child Survival, and Child Development: Observations on a Rural Kenyan Community 59 MARIA LEPOWSKY / Food Taboos and Child Survival: A Case Study from the Coral Sea 71 PART II: INFANTICIDE: CULTURALLY SANCTIONED CHILD ABUSE BARBARA D. MILLER / Female Infanticide and Child Neglect in Rural North India 95 DOROTHY S. MULL and J. DENNIS MULL / Infanticide Among the Tarahumara of the Mexican Sierra Madre 113 PART III: SOCIAL TRAUMA: THE EFFECTS OF POVERTY, SOCIAL DISRUPTION, AND CATASTROPHE ON CHILD TREATMENT LUCILE F. NEWMAN / Fitness and Survival 135 LIZABETH HAUSWALD / External Pressure/Internal Change: Child Neglect on the Navajo Reservation 145 M.W. de VRIES / Cry Babies, Culture, and Catastrophe: Infant Temperament Among the Masai 165 vii viii TABLE OF CONTENTS NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES I Culture, Scarcity, and Maternal Thinking: Mother Love and Child Death in Northeast Brazil 187 PART IV: CHILD ABUSE: DEVIANT AND IDIOSYNCRATIC CHILD MALTREATMENT NELSON H.H. GRAB URN I Severe Child Abuse Among the Canadian Inuit 211 MARCELO M. SUAREZ-OROZCO I The Treatment of Children in the "Dirty War": Ideology, State Terrorism, and the Abuse of Children in Argentina 227 JILL E. KORBIN I Child Sexual Abuse: Implications from the Cross-Cultural Record 247 1.S. LA FONTAINE I Preliminary Remarks on a Study of Incest in England 267 PART V: CHILD SAVING: PROBLEMS AND DILEMMAS IN SOCIAL INTERVENTION CLAIRE MONOD CASSIDY I World-View Conflict and Toddler Malnutrition: Change Agent Dilemmas 293 NORA J. KRANTZLER I Traditional Medicine as 'Medical Neglect': Dilemmas in the Case Management of a Samoan Teenager with Diabetes 325 NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES and HOWARD F. STEIN I Child Abuse and the Unconscious in American Popular Culture 339 DON HANDELMAN I Bureaucracy and the Maltreatment of the Child: Interpretive and Structural Implications 359 D. MICHAEL HUGHES I When Cultural Rights Conflict with the "Best Interests of the Child": A View from Inside the Child Welfare System 377 LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS 389 INDEX OF SUBJECTS 391 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This volume grew out of an all day, two-part invited symposium on child treatment and child survival held during the American Anthropological Association meetings in Denver in 1984. In addition to the original panelists, several other scholars were invited to contribute to this book, and I am thankful to all of them for their patience, steadfastness and even tempers during the many revisions of their papers. Susan Scrimshaw, Margaret Clark, and Patricia Draper were incisive discussants during the original symposium. Susan Scrimshaw communicated at length with several of the contributors who benefited from her astute readings of their papers and from her experi ence and expertise in this field. Grace Buzaljko lent a deft hand in copy editing the manuscript at a most precarious moment. Finally, a University of California Research Fellowship and a grant from the Wenner-Gren Founda tion for Anthropological Research allowed me to take a leave of absence from teaching during the fall of 1985 which made the completion of this project possible. Royalties from the sale of this book will go to the women and children involved in UPA C, the Uniiio para 0 Progresso do Alto do Cruzeiro, a twenty-year-old grassroots self-help movement in the interior of Northeast Brazil (see Scheper-Hughes, this volume) that has worked continu ously to decrease the infant mortality of that community through a combina tion of political activism and ethno-medical ingenuity. The poems 'Limbo' and 'Bye-Child,' from Poems 1965-1975 by Seamus Heaney, copyright © 1966,1967,1969,1972,1975,1980 by Seamus Heaney, are reprinted here by permission of the author and Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, Inc. The cartoon, 'The Far Side,' by Gary Larsen is reprinted by permission of Universal Press Syndicate, and the cartoon, 'Cabbage Patch Doll Accesso ries,' by Tom Meyer is reprinted by permission of the New York Times Syndication Sales Corporation. The American Anthropological Association granted permission to repub lish the article, 'Culture, Scarcity and Material Thinking: Maternal Detach ment and Infant Survival in a Brazilian Shantytown,' which first appeared in ETHOS, winter 1985, Volume 13(4): 291-317. IX NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF CHILD SURVIVAL Oh, children, children, how fraught with peril are your years! Fyodor Dostoevsky The dialectic between fertility and mortality, reproduction and death, survi val and loss, is a powerful one in the lives of most people living outside or on the periphery of the "modern," industrialized world. The pressure that biology exerts on human history is strong throughout much of the "peri pheral" world, where disease epidemics and famines consign millions to an early grave, and where the "life of the species" is only marginally under human control.l In the world in which most of us live, however, the dialectic between fertility and mortality has lost its edge, become buried in the consciousness of most North Americans and Europeans, for whom each birth signifies new life rather than the threat of premature death, and for whom some control over fertility is assumed. Yet it was not long ago in our own "western" world (barely more than a hundred years) when reproduction was as unpredictable, and death as random and chaotic as in the contempo rary Third World. In many remote rural areas and in the squalid urban slums of the 19th century, there was hardly a family that had not experienced firsthand the death of an infant or small child. Public health and sanitation, child and adult labor laws, and social welfare legislation had yet to vanquish the great uncertainties of individual human existence. A walking tour through any New England churchyard with its symmetrical rows of infant tombstones gives silent but powerful testimony to the fickleness of the natural and social orders to those people who lived and died on the threshold of modernity. The mundane ness and ubiquitousness of child death - a fairly permanent feature of the western history of childhood until quite recently - contributed to a plethora of individual and collective defenses. Historically, one of these has been the failure to recognize childhood morbidity and mortality as a significant social or medical problem. Consequently, childhood mortality rates are often difficult to discern up through the 19th century for Europe and North America; often they were not separately tabulated from adult rates? As late as 1855 the British Registrar General introduced a new subclassifica tion of death - diseases from growth, nutrition and decay - under which adult deaths from old age and degenerative diseases were counted along with infant and childhood deaths from prematurity, congenital diseases, and from "wast ing" (deaths from malnutrition, consumption and from what might be diag nosed today as "failure to thrive").3 As Cassidy [this volume] points out, childhood malnutrition, still one of the greatest social pathogens affecting childhood survival throughout the world, was first identified as a pediatric 1 Nancy Scheper-Hughes (ed.), Child Survival, 1-29. © 1987 by D. Reidel Publishing Company. 2 NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES "disease" in 1933, and the more specific diagnoses of marasmus, kwashiorkor, and protein energy malnutrition (PEM) have come into clinical use only since the 1950s. Meanwhile, pediatrics, as a clinical specialization, is also of recent vintage. The British Pediatric Association was founded in 1928, and in the United States pediatric medicine developed only when women began to be accepted into medical schools and into the medical Academy at the turn of the century (Morantz-Sanchez 1986: 272). In short, the social construction of child survival as a medical problem about which something can and should be done is fairly recent.4 In many pockets of the western world up through the mid- to late-19th century childhood mortality tended to be viewed as an unfortunate but altogether predictable natural occurrence, and a 15% to 20% morality rate during the first year of life was not regarded as intolerable or unacceptable. For one thing, childhood mortality had a clear social class reference which allowed it to remain masked for many generations. The pernicious living and working conditions of the urban proletariat during the first half of the 19th century corresponded to the lack of social and medical concern for the mortality of working-class and underclass children. As Foucault writes, "It was of little importance whether these people lived or died, since their reproduction was [thought of] as something that took care of itself in any case" (1978: 126). The improvident and slovenly "Malthusian couples" who propagated without restraint, without foresight would have that devil, Nature/Biology, to pay. It would take political conflict and economic emergencies (such as the new labor requirements of an advanced phase of industrialization) to provoke state interest in the regulation and control of population,including a concern with child survival, which has recently achieved the status of a "master" social and political problem in the "modern" world. Given the relatively recent perception of child survival in advanced indus trialized nations as a social-medical problem in which the state has a clear and vested interest, it should not be surprising that this public consciousness is absent in many societies undergoing a rapid and early phase of industrializa tion or mired in a relatively crude form of industrial capitalism. In these Third World contexts, so often characterized by a high pressure demography of untamed fertility and high mortality, individuals themselves approach repro duction and parenting with a range of sentiments and practices rather differ ent from our own. Parents in much of the so-called developing world (like parents in early modern Europe) understand a baby's life to be a provisional and undependable thing - a candle whose flame is as likely to flicker or go out as to burn brightly and continually. There, child death may be interpreted less as a tragedy than as a misfortune, one to be accepted with equanimity and resignation as an unalterable fact of human existence. Following from a high expectancy of loss, reproductive and child-rearing strategies may be based on a kind of thinking in sets, on the presumption of the interchageability and replace ability of offspring (Imhof 1985). Reckonings of the social, moral and economic value of the infant and small child may be measured against those

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of older children, adults, and the family unit as a whole. These moral evaluations are, in turn, influenced by such external contingencies as popula­ tion demography, social and economic factors, subsistence strategies, house­ hold composition, and by cultural ideas concerning the nature of infanc
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