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Chakrabarti, Upal (2012) Interconnections of the political: British political economy, agrarian ... PDF

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Chakrabarti, Upal (2012) Interconnections of the political: British political economy, agrarian governance, and early nineteenth-century Cuttack (1803-1860). PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/15636  Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other  copyright owners.   A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior  permission or charge.   This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining  permission in writing from the copyright holder/s.   The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or  medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.  When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding  institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full  thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. Interconnections of the political: British political economy, agrarian governance, and early nineteenth-century Cuttack (1803-1850) Upal Chakrabarti Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD in History 2012 Department of History School of Oriental and African Studies University of London 1 Declaration for PhD thesis I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the School of Oriental and African Studies concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person. I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the work which I present for examination. Signed: Date: 2 Abstract This dissertation brings together, as an integrated analytical field, political-economy in Britain and practices of agrarian governance in various parts of British India, focusing on the Cuttack division of Bengal Presidency in the first half of the nineteenth century. Following a trail of methodological debates through thinkers like David Ricardo, Richard Jones, James Mill, William Whewell, John Stuart Mill, and others, it argues that there was a major transformation in the epistemological field of political economy, which established the categories of production and distribution as contingent on globally varying assemblages of property and political power. During the same period, in British India, I further contend, the object of agrarian governance was shaped as a complex of property and political power—which I call the “political”—distributed between a range of landholders and landholding bodies, such as the state, big landlords, village headmen, cultivators, and the village itself. As I trace the governance of the “political” in Cuttack over the first half of the nineteenth century, through chapters on rent, property and village, I highlight its interconnections with other regions of British India, like the North Western Provinces or the Madras Presidency. These interconnections, I argue, emerged out of a spatio-temporal classificatory logic which assigned particular forms of the “political” for different localities, as varying instances of an original form prevailing in a putative ancient Hindu India. Finally, I turn towards quotidian disputes over appropriate locations in the “political” between a variety of landholders in Cuttack, which help in understanding the specific nature of agrarian power in Cuttack, by pointing out the limits of, and further reorientations in, the framework of governance. This dissertation is informed by a critique of several conceptual separations in the relevant historiography—between “metropolitan” and “local”, “theory” and “practice”, and “liberal theory” and “indigenous reality”. 3 Contents Abbreviations 5 Acknowledgments 6 Chapter One: Beyond the inside-outside of agrarian pasts: political economy as local power in early nineteenth century British India 9 Chapter Two: The “political” in political economy: inaugurating an analytic 40 Chapter Three: The regulator of agrarian power: rent 75 Chapter Four: Locating localities: political economy, agrarian governance, “Cuttack” and “India” 108 Chapter Five: Grounding the “political”: A visit to the “village” 163 Chapter Six: Debating directness: subjects and disputes in Cuttack 198 Chapter Seven: Rewriting production 245 Bibliography 256 4 Abbreviations BDR Balasore District Records BJC Bengal Judicial Consultations BRC Bengal Revenue Consultations BRP Board of Revenue Proceedings CDR Cuttack District Records IOR India Office Records OSA Orissa State Archives PP Parliamentary Papers SBOR Sadar Board of Revenue SBORP Sadar Board of Revenue Proceedings WBSA West Bengal State Archives 5 Acknowledgments I could have never imagined what land means to a people without reading Akhtarujjman Ilias’s Khwabnama. After writing this dissertation, I know that my blunt imagination will perhaps never allow me to understand, in the way Illias did, the life-world of an agrarian community. But the wish remains. I thank Santanu, whose sensitivity never stopped surprising me, for asking me to read this book. In engaging with Peter Robb, I felt the joys of the labor of thinking. Peter’s knowledge of the agrarian archives of British India knows no limit, and his interrogations, to say the least, are penetrating. His constant demand for debates has made me argue carefully. His critical comments on the details have made me rethink time and again. Every bit of this dissertation is the outcome of a continuous, conflictual, and enriching conversation with him. In conversing with Neeladri Bhattacharya, I have learnt to think through agrarian categories. I have learnt about modes of critique, about different analytical approaches to the same problem, about pedagogy, about conceptualization. I have learnt, endlessly. I feel lucky to have spent such good times with him. I was introduced to the fundamentals of reading, thinking, writing, and arguing by Presidency College and Jawaharlal Nehru University. I remain especially thankful to Dalia Chakrabarti, Dipankar Gupta, Prasanta Ray, Radhika Singha, Susan Visvanathan, Tanika Sarkar, and V. Sujatha for this unforgettable experience. Avijit Pathak’s way of being has always evoked respect. In the form of encouragement, affection, and blessings, he has been an inexhaustible source of inspiration. Over the last four years, a number of people have read, discussed, and commented on portions of the dissertation. Their insights have thrown up novel and unanticipated intellectual challenges. I sincerely thank Agnibho Gangopadhyay, Anandaroop Sen, Anil Persaud, Anirban Das, Anish Vanaik, Aryama, Atig Ghosh, Bodhisattva Kar, Chris Bayly, David Washbrook, Daud Ali, Eleanor Newbegin, Niladri Chatterjee, Norbert Peabody, Prathama Banerjee, Raghav Kishore, Robert Travers, Rohan Deb Roy, Sayam Ghosh, Shabnum Tejani, Shinjini Das, Shrimoy Roychoudhury, Sibaji Bandopadhyay, and Sukanya Sarbadhikary for their immensely valuable contributions to this dissertation. 6 Andrew Sartori and Rahul Govind have engaged extensively with the questions that I try to ask in this dissertation. Their critical suggestions have helped me achieve more clarity in articulation. Without Simon Schaffer’s assurances, my forays into the history of British political economy would have remained hesitant and uncertain. In my brief interaction with him, I have greatly benefitted from his breadth of knowledge and analytically incisive observations. I am grateful to Ravi Ahuja for commenting critically on the earliest plan of this dissertation. This thesis would have been inconceivable without the numerous documents studied at different libraries and archives in India and the United Kingdom. I thank the staff of British Library, London, National Archives of India, New Delhi, National Library, Kolkata, Orissa State Archives, Bhubaneswar, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, and Wren Library, Trinity College, Cambridge for their unstinting assistance. My study at SOAS was made possible by the financial assistance of the Felix Trust. I thank them for having faith in me. Without the generosity of Prof. Jatin Nayak, Supriya and Ashish, I would not have survived in Bhubaneswar. I thank them for making my trips productive. It is impossible to even think of recounting those countless moments, spent with friends, which nurtured my emotional and intellectual existence in the years of growing up with politics, academics, and life. I can only stay mired in those memories. The earliest journey began with Atig. Curiously, it continues, as before, even today. I am still enthralled by his capacity to love. I remain a deep admirer of his exceptional pedagogical skills. Anandaroop, with his lyrical analytic, musical pastimes, and quiet friendship, has become an integral part of my everydayness. It is also my duty to thank him for being such a patient listener to my incessant ramblings. Aryama has a style of analysing, people and issues, which is inimitable. His way of being with nature is revealing. I remain buried in the memories of all those forests in which we walked together. 7 Over ceaseless arguments, Leo kept reminding me of the necessity to carefully think about the interrelatedness of theory and practice. I have much to learn from his political convictions. I have found a new friend in Sayam. It is hard to find someone so intensely critical about, and perpetually engaged with, our ways of living. Eleanor’s kindness and unhesitating encouragement has been a powerful reminder of the humane in relationships. Thanking her will violate its essence. Rohan has embodied friendship in every sense of the term. We have laughed, learnt and loved together. He has taught me the importance of both nearness and distance. Without him I would not have known that intellect cannot mature without intimate and complex human relationships. I cannot possibly thank my in-laws, Debasish and Reshma, who have showered me with boundless love, care, and blessings. I can only thank the conditions which brought me close to such wonderful people. I do not know where to put Ashis and Bhaswati in this list. They have been parents, friends, and teachers at every point of time in my life. In their own very different ways, they have taught me how to live life. It has been a decade now that I have known Sukanya. I still feel I have not been able to understand even a fraction of her towering intelligence, her almost naturally philosophical way of thinking, and her acute sensitivity of the social. Living with her has exposed me to the most nourishing experience of life. It has made me believe that there is a way of being which embodies difference, and is not directed towards the self. It can only be named as love. 8 Chapter One Beyond the inside-outside of agrarian pasts: political economy as local power in early nineteenth century British India This dissertation grew out of an unease with the analytical commonsense of South Asian agrarian history. Almost all of these works seemed to suggest that the past, and the present, of agrarian societies in South Asia was inescapably defined by what went on at the level of the small, the particular, the proximate, or the local. Quite expectedly, this isolation of the spatial level was also an analytical one. The simultaneous identification of the small as a distinct geographical site and a powerful explanatory tool rested on a series of hierarchized categorial binaries. These binaries—between abstract and concrete, universal and particular, theory and practice, imperial and local, western theory and indigenous reality—were the epistemological conditions of possibility of the analytical isolation of the local. The local was fashioned out of a seamless interweaving of geographical and epistemological metaphors. It stood for any form of social reality which, by being located at a geographical distance from the centre, seemed to be necessarily capable of lying in a space epistemologically distant and different from the universal. Its geographically bounded nature seemed to be its mark of difference from the boundless expanse of the universal. The local was distance as difference. Framed in this manner, it fast became an explanatory orthodoxy for the agrarian histories of South Asia.1 Immensely rich and insightful works emerged under the banner of the local. There was a proliferation in the studies of localities in British India which finely nuanced understandings of agrarian life in South Asia from the time of the beginnings of the East India Company’s government to the present. It was clear that there was much to be gained by taking a deep, close, intense look at the lanes and by-lanes of multitudes of villages. The seduction of the small was irresistible. This dissertation could not avoid it. Despite the unease, it got fatally attracted to the agrarian conditions of one such locality in British India. I attempted to take a peek at the agrarian affairs 1A detailed analysis of these works, in relation to the argument of the dissertation, will be made in the final section of this chapter. 9

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political economy, which established the categories of production and sensitivity never stopped surprising me, for asking me to read this book. Bodhisattva Kar, Chris Bayly, David Washbrook, Daud Ali, Eleanor Newbegin, . national, the colonial, the metropolitan, the imperial, or the global. Such
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