Buying an Afterlife: Mapping the Social Impact of Religious Beliefs through Consumer Death Goods

14 Pages·2017·0.19 MB·English

by  Candi K. Cann

religions
Article
Buying an Afterlife: Mapping the Social Impact of
Religious Beliefs through Consumer Death Goods
CandiK.Cann
BaylorInterdisciplinaryCore&Religion,BaylorUniversity,OneBearPlace#97350,Waco,TX76798,USA;
[email protected]
Received:31May2017;Accepted:8August2017;Published:28August2017
Abstract: Choosingtohaveabodyembalmed,thechoiceofintermentlocationsandtype,including
theselectionofaparticularcasket,arealldeeplyintertwinedwithvariousunderstandingsofthe
afterlife,andviewsofthebodyafterdeath. Consumerchoicesinthesecasesareoftendetermined
by imagined embodiment, and are determined in part by non-rational consumer choices based
on religious upbringing and belief. In turn, diasporic and religious identity can be reinforced
and solidified through consumer choices that then fulfill religious imaginations of post-death
embodiment. Thisarticletracestherelationshipoftwoconsumerdeathgoods—embalmingand
caskets—inthecontemporaryUnitedStates,examiningboththeimplicitandexplicitrelationships
theseproductshavewithreligiousworldviews,mappingthesocialimpactofreligiousbeliefson
consumerdeathchoices.
Keywords: embalmment;vaults;funeralindustry;consumergoods;afterlife;imaginedembodiment;
Christianity;UnitedStates;religiousbelief;mapping
1. Introduction
InthecontemporaryUnitedStates,thedeathbusinessisbooming,andmoreandmoreretailers
aremovingintothedeathindustrymarket. CostcoandWalmart,twogiantretailers,startedoffering
casketsandurnsatadiscountpriceintheirstoresandonlineinthemid2000s(Fredrix2009),withthe
Internetgiant,Amazon,notfarbehind. Manyfuneralhomesdisplayshowroomsfilledwithsample
casketsandurnsinordertohelpconsumersmaketheirdecisionsregardingthefinalrestingplace
ofthemselvesortheirlovedones. However,consumerchoicesinthemarketplacefordeathgoods
and services are not solely based on issues of price, status, and availability, but are also heavily
influencedbyconceptionsandunderstandingsoftheafterlife,withnotionsoftheafterlifetranslating
into different consumer choices in disposal and interment. Choosing to have a body embalmed,
the choice of interment locations and type, including the selection of a particular casket, are not
merelyconsumerchoicesbasedonpriceandavailability,butarealsodeeplyintertwinedwithvarious
understandingsoftheafterlife,andtheviewsofthebodyafterdeath. Consumerchoicesinthesecases
areoftendeterminedbyimaginedembodiment,andaredeterminedinpartbynon-rationalconsumer
choices based on religious upbringing and belief. In turn, diasporic and religious identity can be
reinforcedandsolidifiedthroughconsumerchoicesthatthenfulfillreligiousimaginationsofpost-death
embodiment. Belk,WallendorfandSherry,intheirseminalarticle,“TheSacredandtheProfanein
Consumer Behavior: Theodicy on the Oddysey”, argue for the study of material objects from the
pointofviewof“thesacralisationofthesecularfromtherealmofconsumption”(Belketal.1989,p. 9),
statingthatastheworldbecomesmoresecularandconsumption-driven,consumergoodsandchoices
increasinglyreflectvaluesofthesacredandprofane. Additionally, thebody, itself, canbeviewed
asamanifestationofthesacred,asitmanifestsbothselfandidentity,throughstatus,belongingtoa
community,etc. (Belketal.1989,p. 12). Deathcaregoodsandservicesbothpartlyreflectandembody
Religions2017,8,167;doi:10.3390/rel8090167 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions
Religions2017,8,167 2of14
individual and communal understandings and assumptions of the divine, while simultaneously
providingpracticaldisposalofthebody. However,consumerchoicesindeathcaregoodsandservices
arenotsolelydeterminedbyreligiousbeliefsandproclivities: variousfactorssuchasfinances,wills,
andgeographicalandculturalinfluencesalsoinfluencedisposalchoices,andthevariouscomplexities
ofconsumerchoicesmakeitdifficulttopointtoacorefactorsuchasreligiosity. Acknowledgingthese
limitations,thisarticleexaminestherelationshipoftwospecificconsumerdeathgoods—embalming
andcasketchoice—withboththeimplicitandexplicitrelationshipsthesegoodsandserviceshave
withreligiousworldviews,andresearchingthedifferencesofdeathcareconsumerchoicesbetween
religiousactorsofvariousfaiths.
2. TheDeadBody: CorpsePreservationConsumerChoices
Whenpeoplethinkofdeathconsumergoods,theyoftenthinkofthemostobviousones—caskets
andburialplots—buttheyoftenforgetthatembalmmentisactuallyanotherconsumergoodofferedby
thedeathcareindustry,thoughitmaynotbeadurableorlastinggood. Embalmmentisoftenutilized
byfuneralhomeswhenthereisgoingtobeavisitationbeforethecremationorthefuneralservice,
itself,asitisonewaythatthefuneralhomecanmaximizetheircontroloverthecorpse,andminimize
unwanted noises or movements of the corpse during a viewing or a service. Embalmment in the
UnitedStatesisnotrequiredbystateorfederallaw,thoughmanyconsumersareunawareofthis,and
manyfuneralhomeswillrefusetooffervisitationunlesstheconsumerfirstchoosestoembalmthe
body,resultinginembalmmentofferedasadefaultserviceandproductasapartoffuneralpackages,
andmanyconsumersbelievingthatthisruleisalegalone,ratherthanaconvenientone. Infact,the
FederalTradeCommissionrequiresfuneralhomestoinformfamiliesthatembalmingisonlyrequired
whenabodycrossesstatelines. Inaddition,“fiveotherstates—California,Idaho,Kansas,Minnesota
andNewJersey—requireembalmingwhenthebodyleavesthosestatesbycommoncarrier(airplane
ortrain)”(Teodoro2016). Finally,embalmmentisstrictlycultural,andthoughwidelypracticedinthe
UnitedStatesandCanada,isnotacommonpracticeworldwide. Manypeoplemistakenlybelieve
thatnotembalmingpresentsasocialhazard, whiletheoppositeistrue; thechemicalsinvolvedin
embalmmentareextremelytoxic,andembalmersarerequiredbylawtowearfullbodyprotectionand
arespiratorwhileembalming(FuneralConsumersAllianceWebsite). However,partofthesuccessin
sellingembalmmenttoconsumersispredicatedonthenotionthatcorpses,themselves,areinherently
unhygienicandpresentadangertosociety.
Themainreasonforembalming’scontinuedpopularityinthedeathcareindustryintheUnited
Statesisthree-fold—(1)itisaservicewithawideprofitmargin,andthereforehastraditionallybeen
widelysoldasanintegralpartofthefuneralservicepackage;(2)itallowsthefuneralhometooffer
visitationsandviewingswithmuchmoreflexibilityinregardstoschedulingtimes;and(3)itallows
forthepliantcooperationofthedeceasedsothattherearenoawkwardmoments(noises,movement,
etc.) ofthecorpseduringtheviewingorfuneralserviceitself. Thesereasonsbehindembalmment
(withtheexceptionofnumbertwo),however,havebeenlargelyunder-emphasized,andasaresult,
manyconsumersdonotactuallyknowtherealreasonsbehindembalmingofthedeceased,instead
opting for embalmment as an integral part of the funeral service. In fact, the Funeral Consumers
Alliancearguesthatembalmmentistreatedasthecornerstoneofthefuneralservicepackageinthe
funeral service industry, and consumers who choose embalmment are ripe for the upsell of other
deathcaregoods(Teodoro2016). CalebWilde,popularauthorandbloggerofConfessionsofaFuneral
Directorechoesthissentiment,writes,“Morticianshavebeentaughtthatembalmingisthefoundationof
thefuneralbusiness(Wilde2017;italicsmine)”. Sincemanyfuneralhomesrefusetoholdvisitation
withoutembalmingthebodyfirst, itisthepivotalservicethatthemajorityoftheotherdeathcare
goodshingeupon. Apersonwhopurchasesembalmmentservicesbecauseofafearofbodilydecay
andcontaminationwillbeconsideredanoptimalconsumertopurchaseotherdeathcaregoodsthat
offer‘protection’fromexternaldecay,suchashermeticallysealedcasketsandvaultliners(theirony,
ofcourse,beingthatbodilydecaystartswithin,notwithout).
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The embalmed body also offers a tie to the imagined afterlife for the deceased, reinforced
by language employed by the funeral director regarding the deceased. The deceased is not just
adeadperson,butapersonpreparingto“meettheirmaker”or“passingon”toanotherdimension.
Funeralhomeworkersareencouragedtoutilizeeuphemismsinsellingtheirproductstodeathcare
consumers,whileemphasizingtheprofessionalismandmedicalizationofthefuneralindustryinsuch
awaythatthebodybecomes‘acceptable’forpublicviewingandmourningconsumption. Glennys
Howarthwritesinherbook, LastRites: TheWorkoftheModernFuneralDirectorthat“Ifthebodyis
not to be displayed, the funeral director is divested of two key professional tasks incorporated in
decontaminatingandhumanizingthebody... (Embalmingallows)funeraldirectorsandembalmers...
todemonstratetheirskillsin“resurrection”work(Howarth1996,p. 137)”. Howarthassertsthatitis
theembalmer’sjobtomakethecorpseappearasthoughitissleeping,analteredcorpseafterdeath
contributingtotheimaginedafterlife.
2.1. WhatIsEmbalmment?
Embalmmentdrainsthecorpseofallofitsbodilyfluids,replacingthesefluidswithapreservative
fluidtreatedsothatitwillhelpmakethebodymoreplianttothetouch,slowdowndecomposition,and
bringunderlyingcolortotheskin(oftenthefluidsaredyedsoastoprovidetheskinwithunderlying
color). Additionally,embalmmentalsomeansthatthefuneralhomewillstuffthecheekswithcotton
(theysinkafterapersonhasdied),wirethemouthshut(soitwon’taccidentallyopenduringvisitation),
placeplasticeyecapsormorecottonundertheeyelids(toroundouttheeyesandkeeptheeyesfrom
accidentallyopening),arrangethecorpse(whichsometimesmeansmassagingorwiringthelimbs
into place), and doing the makeup for a corpse so that its pallor can be made lifelike once again.
Additionally,therearesmallplugsplacedinthecavitiesofthebodytopreventleakageorsounds
fromescapingthebodyduringvisitation. Embalmmentisanythingifnotextremelyunnaturaland
incrediblyinvasive,andwhatstartedasapracticalnecessitytoallowforthepreservationofthebody
forburialhasturnedintoastandardpracticeinmanyfunerals(Cann2014).
2.2. ABriefHistoryofEmbalmment
Embalmmenthasalonghistory,fromupperclassEgyptiansseveralthousandyearsagotovarious
royaltyandrulersthroughouthistory,but,intheUnitedStates,thepracticeofembalmmentbecame
standardduringandfollowingtheAmericanCivilWarin1861–1865,whenCivilWarleadersneededto
preservethebodiesofthedeadsoldierssothattheycouldbereturnedhomeforburial. Embalmment
allowedforbodiestobepreservedfortheirtransportbackhomesothatthefamiliescouldburytheir
dead. TheexpansionoftherailroadacrosstheUnitedStates,theintroductionofrefrigeratedrailway
cars, and the extensive network of federally funded highways across the U.S. in the next century
(Cann2014)alsoledtothepopularityofthepracticeofembalming,asfamiliesbegantospreadout
acrossthecountry,leadingtoanincreasedneedtodelayfuneralservicesandpreservethecorpseuntil
theextendedfamilycouldgathertogethertomournthedeceasedandholdtheservice.
2.3. EmbalmmentCosts
Thecostofembalmmentvarieswidelyfromfuneralhometofuneralhome,andisgenerallythe
mostexpensiveservicesold. Embalmingisconsideredaseparateservicefromthepreparationofthe
bodyforviewing,whichisusuallylistedunderthecategoryof“otherpreparations”,andincludes
servicessuchasmakeup,dressingthedeceased,andplacingthecorpseintothecasketsothattheyare
readyforviewing. No“otherpreparations”areneededifthefamilyofthedeceaseddoesnotchooseto
purchaseembalming,asitisgenerallyassumedthatthefamilywillthenoptforeitherdirectburialor
directcremation. However,evenifthefamilychoosesnottooptforembalming,funeralhomesusually
chargeforrefrigerationandpreparationofthecorpse(Mitford1998,pp. 54–69). The“specialcare”
listedforautopsiesandorgandonationsaretocoverthecostsrequiredtostuffandsewupthebody
whentherehavebeeninvasiveproceduresperformedonthecorpsefollowingdeath,sometimesalso
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requiringadditionalmakeuptomakethedeceasedlookpresentableforaviewing. Ihavelistedtwo
examplesofthepricelistsbelowfromtwoAmericanfamily-ownedfuneralhomewebsites,andthese
pricesarerepresentativeofaveragepricesoftheseservicesinthenortheastcorridor.
PeabodyFuneralHomes
Embalming: $875
Otherpreparations(includingcosmetology,dressing,casketing)$295
Specialcareafterorgandonation$295
Specialcareafterautopsy$295
Washinganddisinfectionwhennoembalming$295
(PeabodyFuneralHomes2015)
RuckFuneralHome
Embalming$910
Otherpreparations$310
Washinganddisinfectingwhennoembalming$295
(RuckFuneralHomesn.d.)
Mostnoticeably,though,istheinclusionofthelastserviceinnearlyeveryfuneralhome’swebsite,
regardingcareforthebodyifoneelectstoburyorcrematethebodywithoutembalming. Thisservice
is“washinganddisinfectingwhennoembalming”,andasurveyoffuneralhomepricelistsrevealsa
fairlyconsistentchargeforthepreparationofthebodyfordisposalthatseemstonearlyalwaysinclude
“disinfection”. Thisserviceincludesthecleaningofthefingernails,washingofthehair,andwashing
thebodywithagermicidalsolutionmeanttokillbacteriaandviruses. Theinclusionofthisservice
onthepricelistemphasizessterilization,andimpliesthatthecorpseitselfisnotclean. Thefuneral
homedoesnotmerelyperformtheserviceofwashingthecorpse,butsterilizesanddisinfectsitaswell.
Thisimpliesthatdeathissomethingcontagiousanddangerous,ratherthannaturalandcommonplace.
Thisisanimportantpoint,astheimplicationisthatthecorpsecannotbehandledbythefamilyand
thatonlythefuneralhomehasboththeskillsandthematerialstoactuallycareforthecorpseand
preparethemfordisposal. Thisisfurtheremphasizedintheembalmmentstatementgivenontheprice
listbythefuneralhome.
FuneralhomesintheUnitedStatesarerequiredbylawtoletconsumersknowthatembalmingis
notactuallyrequiredbylaw(Mitford1998,pp. 26–28,259–60). However,manyfuneralhomesaddon
totheoriginalstatement. Onesuchexampleisgivenhere:
Embalmingisnotrequiredbylaw. Embalmingmaybenecessary,however,ifyouelect
certain arrangements, such as a funeral with viewing. If you do not want embalming,
youusuallyhavetherighttochooseanarrangementthatdoesnotrequireyoutopayforit,
suchasdirectcremationorimmediateburial. Thischargeincludesdisposalofregulatedmedical
waste and compliance with OSHA Bloodborne Pathogen, Formaldehyde, Hazardous Material
CommunicationandHealthandSafetyStandards/Regulations. (PeabodyFuneralHomes2015;
Italicsintheoriginal).
The first portion of the statement (non-italicized) is the portion all funeral homes are legally
requiredbyfederallawtoincludeontheirpricelists. However,theitalicizedportionofthestatement
emphasizesthecorpseasbothunhygienicandevenpossiblydangeroustobothhealthandsafety.
AsIwroteearlier,though,theonlytrulydangerousmaterialsarethoseusedinembalmmentitself.
ThestatementthatthefuneralhomeoperatesincompliancewithdiscardingtheOSHA(Occupational
Safety and Health Administration) Bloodborne pathogens echoes the earlier implications that the
corpseiseitherdangerousordirty.Inreality,thenumberofdiseasesthatcanbespreadthroughcontact
withthecorpseitselfisextremelylow(forexample,theBubonicplague,or,mostrecently,theEbola
virus),andpeoplearemorelikelytocontractdiseasesfromotherattendeesatafuneralthantheyare
fromthedeadbodyitself.
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Whatisimportant,however,istheemphasisplacedontheunhygienicnatureofthecorpsein
anageofsterilizationandmedicalization. Inotherwords,by(mis)leadingtheconsumertobelieve
thatacorpsemustbedisinfectedthroughtheprocessofembalmment,thefuneralindustryisable
toupsellotherproductsaswell. JessicaMitfordtoucheduponthisinherbookTheAmericanWayof
DeathRevisited,inwhichshedescribedafuneraldirectorwhoassertedthat“anunembalmedbody
canonlybeviewedbythelegalnextofkin,andthenonlyforafewmoments. Thishastodowith
liabilityofthefuneralhomefor“blood-bornepathogens!!”Mittfordgoesontowrite“(Oneofthemore
dazzlingflightsoffancy;asanypathologistwilltellyou,adeadbodypresentsnoriskwhatsoever
ofinfectingthelivingwhenthere’snocontagiousdisease.)”(Mitford1998,p. 202). Giventhestrong
culturalidentificationofthefuneralindustry’semphasisonsterilityandmedicalizationofthecorpse,
how,andinwhatways,doreligionscontributeorchallengethedeathcareindustry’semphasisonthe
needforembalmmentandpreservationofthecorpse?
2.4. ReligiousWorldviewsandDisposalPractices
Despite the supposed practicality behind the increase in the practice of embalmment, it is
not practiced in some religions—namely, Judaism, Islam, Buddhism, and Hinduism, and, yet, it
iscommonlypracticedamongChristians(bothCatholicsandProtestants)residinginNorthAmerica.
Thistendencyisinpartbecauseofreligiousworldviews,afterlifebeliefs,andimaginedembodiment,
which have been both perpetuated by, and capitalized upon, by the death care industry. This is
nottosaythatallthosewhoembalmareChristians;rather,thatthepracticeofembalmmentseems
toutilizeChristiansymbolismandlanguagethatunderscoresandprivilegesChristianrhetoric,to
the extent that embalming is largely accepted and practiced in Christian circles (with exceptions,
ofcourse—DutchReform,AmishAmericans,Jehovah’sWitness,andEasternandGreekOrthodox
branchesofChristianity,forexample,donotpracticeembalmingintheircommunities;toobroadfor
thisarticle,thispaperaddressesonlythelargersectsofChristianityinthecontemporaryUnitedStates).
BeforemovingintoanexplorationofAmericanChristiansandembalming,however,Iwillbriefly
explorethereligiousviewpointsofthosewhogenerallyrejectthepracticeofembalmment(onemust
noteherethat,eveninembalmment,thereareexceptions).
3. JewsandEmbalmment
Jewsprefertoburythedeceasedimmediatelyanddonotembalmthebodyorcondoneitsviewing,
consideringittobedisrespectfultothedeceased. Forthisreason,Jewishservicesforthedeadare
usuallyheldassoonaspossibleafterthedeathofaperson. Preparationofthedeadbodyproceed
accordingtoEcclesiastes5:14,inwhichitiswritten,“Ashecame,soshouldhego”(FuneralPractices
CommitteeoftheBoardofRabbisofSouthernCalifornian.d.,p. 3). Thus,whenapersondies,their
bodyiswashedandpurifiedjustastheywerewhentheywereborn. TaharahisthetraditionalJewish
actofwashingandpurifyingthebody,andisgenerallyperformedbyapersontrainedinthetraditional
Jewishpurificationrituals. Menwashandpurifymenandwomenwashandpurifywomen. Usually,
thisactincludeswashingthebodywithwarmwaterfromheadtotoe,thoughtheywillneverturnthe
bodyfacedown. Themostmeaningfulaspectofbothsittingwiththebodyandthepurificationrituals
performedonthedeceasedisthecommunalnature—atnopointisthedeceasedleftontheirown
followingtheirdeath. Fromdyingtodeathtoburial,theJewishcommunityaccompaniesthedeceased
intheirjourney. Afterthebodyhasbeenwashedandpurified,thebodyisdressedinatraditional
whiteshroud,knownasatachrichim. Jewishpeopleareneverburiedintheirtraditionalclothes,but
inawhiteshroudmadeoflinenormuslin. Theideabehindthisisthatallarefoundequalindeath,
andthereforenopersonisdeemedbetterorwealthier. Thewhiteshroudissymbolicofequalityinlife
throughdeath(inotherwords,thoughonemaybemateriallysuccessfulinlife,indeath,allaredead).
Inaddition,usuallytheshroudishand-sewnsothatthesticheswilleasilydisintegrate;iftheshroudis
machine-sewn,usuallysomeonewillripsomeoftheseamsoftheburialshroudsothatitdisintegrates
easier. ThetachrichimissoimportanttoJewishburialcustomthatifoneisnotfoundtodressthebody,
Religions2017,8,167 6of14
thenthefuneralwillbepostponeduntilonecanbeobtained. Jewishmenarealsoburiedwiththeir
prayershawl,thetallit,atraditionalfringedshawlthatisusuallyusedbyJewishmenduringprayer.
Beforeburial,oneofthefringesoftheprayershawlwillbecutsothatitisrenderedineffective. If
thedeceaseddidnotownatallit,thenusuallyoneisfoundandprovidedfortheburial. Genesis3:19
(“Bythesweatofyourbrowyouwilleatyourfooduntilyoureturntotheground,sincefromityou
were takenfordustyouareandto dustyouwillreturn”, Holy Bible, NIVVersion)statesthatthe
propercycleforthedeceasedistoreturntodust,and,forthisreason,itispreferableforaJewtobe
burieddirectlyintothegroundinaburialshroud.
TheJewishcosmologicalviewoftheafterlifevariesfrombranchtobranchandpersontoperson,
withsomeJewsbelievinginaplacecalledSheol,whereallthedead,bothrighteousandunrighteous,
goaftertheirdeath. Likemostfaiths,however,individualJewsvaryintheirunderstandingsofthe
afterlife. Somehavebelievedinaresurrection,othersinreincarnation,whilefinally,otherJewsreject
thenotionoftheafterlifealtogether,orsimplyseeitasirrelevant,statingthattheirpurposeislifeitself
andarelationshipwithGodinthislife. FormostJews,though,observingGod’scommandtoreturn
thebodytodustisalsoanacknowledgementofGod’sroleintheJewishcycleoflifefromcreation
todeath. Thus,embalmingisnotcustomarilypracticedintheJewishcommunity,andisgenerally
frownedupon.
4. MuslimsandEmbalmment
Islamalsorejectsembalmment,andthedeceasedisusuallyburiedwithintwenty-fourhoursof
death,exceptinthecaseofpracticalconstraints(suchaswhenthecoronerormedicalexaminercannot
bereachedtosignthedeathcertificate,oranautopsyneedstobeperformed). LikeJudaism,inIslam,
womenwashandpurifythefemalebodiesforburial,andmenpreparethemen,andmanyMuslim
cemeteriesalsohaveroomsforthepreparationandwashingofthebodybeforeburial. AsinJudaism,
thereisnovisitationorviewing,andembalmingisnotmerelyrejectedbutconsideredunnecessary,
only allowed when required by law. If there is a need to delay a funeral, generally the deceased
isrefrigeratedforpreservationpurposes,butthisisanextremelyrarepractice. IntheQur’an,itis
written“Innalillahiwainnailayhiraji'un”“IndeedwebelongtoAllah,andindeedtoHimwewill
return”(Qur’an,Surah2,verse156),andthisverseisrecitedimmediatelyuponlearningofadeath.
MuslimsbelievethattheyallgotoafinaljudgmentbeforeGod,andone’safterlifeisdependentonthe
outcomeofthatjudgment. MostMuslimsbelievethatthedeceasedundergoesaninitialpreliminary
judgmentinthegraveimmediatelyfollowingburial,withthisinitialjudgementresultinginaninterim
punishmentorreward. Thisbeliefpartiallyaccountsfortheneedtoburythedeadwithintwenty-four
hoursoftheirdeath,sothattheycanhavetheirinitialjudgementmetedouttothem(Marshalland
Mosher2014,pp. 25–60). ThoughlessstressedincontemporaryIslamicthought,traditionalbelief
dictatedthatthedeadinhabitedanin-betweenworldcalledBarzakh,whereonehasatemporarybody
andawaitsjudgment. TherearemanydifferentdescriptionsofBarzakh,andsomedescribeitasatype
ofMuslimpurgatory,wheresoulscanbeprayedforandhaveearthlydeedsascribedtothemwhile
waitingforGod’sjudgment(AfikulIslam2008). Forthisreason,itisessentialtofollowtheMuslim
ritualsregardingthedisposalofthedead,foreveryactonbehalfofthedeadcanaffecttheirjudgment
intheafterlife.
In both Judaism and Islam, there is no viewing or visitation because it is considered to be
disrespectfultoGod. Evenexcessivemourningisdiscouragedasitcanbeasignthatonehasnot
submittedoneselftoandrespectedthewillofGodwhohasdecreedthetimeandplaceofdeathfor
thedeceased(WitztumandBuchbinder2001;Yasien-EsmaelandRubin2005). BothJudaismandIslam
havestrict proscriptionsprohibitingthecutting offlesh(tattooing forexample)and thusinvasive
practices involving the body are considered violations of God’s creation. This belief thus extends
to embalmment, which is invasive and unnecessary. It is significant that the Jewish and Muslim
proscriptionsagainstembalminghavenotinfluencedthecontemporaryChristiantradition.
Religions2017,8,167 7of14
5. Buddhism,HinduismandEmbalmment
InBuddhism,mostpeopleprefertobecremated,andgenerally,likebothJudaismandIslam,the
bodyispreparedandwashed,usuallyinthehomeofthedeceased,andinthepresenceoffamilyand
closefriends. Thebodyisthendressedforburial,offeringsaremade,andthebodyispreparedfor
cremation. GiventhatBuddhistburialritesvarybycountryandsectarianbranch,inJapan,aBuddhist
undertakercomestothefamily’shometopreparethebodyforcremation,asBuddhistsbelievethe
person’slingeringconsciousnessremainsnearthebodyfordaysfollowingthedeath. Forthisreason,
absoluterespectmustbegiventothebodyuntilitiscremated,asitistreatedasthoughthebodyis
stillalive; thisiswhybodiesarenotgenerallyembalmed,onlywashed. Buddhismhasmanyfolk
talesandghoststoriesregardingspiritsthatcomebacktohauntthelivingbecausepropercarewas
nottakenwiththeirdeadbodies. Whenthebodyisthencremated,theeldestson(oroccasionally
incontemporarytimes,daughter)iscalledupontolightthefunerarypyre,orpushthecrematory
buttontobeginthecremationprocess. InJapaneseBuddhism,thelightingofthecremationflameis
consideredtobethesecondandfinaldeath(Suzuki2000).
InHinduism, asinJudaism, IslamandBuddhism, thebodyiswashed, anddressedinburial
clothesforthefunerarypyre. InIndia,itiscustomarytoburnabodynearariver,sothatthesoulhas
accesstothepurificationandcleansingnatureofthewater.HinduslivingintheUnitedStates,however,
generallyopttocremateatthecrematoriumwiththeclosefamilymemberspresent,followedbya
memorialserviceatthetemple,andthenfinallyascatteringofashesintheoceanoftheUnitedStates,
ortheashesaresometimesalsoreservedandtransportedbacktoIndiaforscatteringatalatertime
(AssociationofUnitedHinduandJainTemples2014). InHinduism,embalmmentisgenerallyrejected,
andthebodyiscrematedwithin24–48h. InbothHinduismandBuddhism,embalmmentisdeemed
unnecessary,asthebodyiscremated,andthecremationoccursveryquicklyfollowingthedeath. Both
BuddhismandHinduismbelieveinthecycleoflife, death, andrebirth, andcrematingthebodies
allowsforpractitionerstoburntheirbodiesandfreethesoulsforpreparationintothenextlife.
BuddhismandHinduismrejectthepracticeofembalmment,thoughtheirreasonsforrejecting
embalming as a practice vary. It is important, though, to note that the practice of embalming in
NorthAmericaisnotstrictlybasedongeographicorculturaltendencies,asJews,Muslims,Hindus
andBuddhistsresidingintheUnitedStatesallgenerallyrejectembalmmentintheirdisposalpractices,
electingtokeepthetraditionaldisposalpracticesassociatedwiththeirreligiousworldviewsinspite
oflivinginNorthAmerica. Thepracticeofembalmingthencannotbestrictlyconfinedtocultural
geography and the socio-cultural influences of American culture. Nor, however, can the practice
ofembalmingbedirectlylinkedtoChristianbeliefsystems,asCatholicsandProtestantsinEurope
andLatinAmericadonotwidelyembalmthedeceased. Thequestionthenremains—whydoNorth
AmericanCatholicsandProtestantsembalmmorethantheirChristiancounterpartsinothercountries,
andwhydoesthisgroup,morethananyotherreligiousgroupintheUnitedStates,prefertoembalm
theirdead,eventhoughpractitionersofotherreligionshavegenerallyresistedthelargerculturaltrend
towardsembalmment?
6. TheAfterlifeandImaginedEmbodimentinChristianity
The importance of the embalmed body is that it is simultaneously the actor, and the acted
upon,itisthesubjectandtheobject,thedeceased,yetnolongerfullyhuman,dead,yetnot-dead.
Theembalmedcorpse,devoidofitsorgans,anditsfluids,stuffedandsewn,isnowanactorwitha
partinaritualofmourningmeanttocomfortthosewhoencounterthebodyinitsnewlysterilized
andpurifiedform. Theembalmedbodyfunctionsasbotharealizationofthepastandaprojectionof
anticipatedfuture. Theembalmedbody—present—buttransformed,operatesasabridgebetween
realityandtheimagined,itsartificialcorporealityreinforcingtheplaceoftensionbetweendeathand
afterlife. Ifthebodycancontinuetoplayavitalroleinthecommunitywithoutitsorgans,withoutits
owneroperatingitsbody,thenperhapsanafterlifebecomespossibleaswell. Inearlyandmedieval
Christianity, one of the signs of favor with God was the preservation of the corpse. Considered a
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miracle,manysaintswereidentifiedthroughthelackofdeteriorationoftheircorpse,andwerelabeled
as“incorruptcorpses”,theintegrityoftheskinlinkedtotheintegrityofthesoul. Incorruptcorpsesare
knownbytheirsweetodor(the“odorofsanctity”)andtheirlackofdecomposition. Manyincorrupt
corpseswerediscoveredbecauseofdreamsormiracles,anddiscoveredtobeintactuponbeingdug
upfromtheground. Thetopfeatureofanincorruptcorpseisthecorpse’spliability,andtheyareoften
placedondisplayinchurches,handsfoldedinprayer,orevensittinginprayer. IncorruptCorpses
oftenbecamesomeofthemorepopularfiguresintheCatholicchurch,astheygavepeopleasenseof
hoperegardingtheirownafterlives. Therottingofbodilyfleshwasoftenlinkedtothesoul’stimein
purgatory—avisiblewindowintotheeventsgoingonintheafterlife,andthosecorpsesthatstayed
intactwerebelievedtobeevidenceofGod’sfavorandafterlife(Cruz1977). Thepreservationofthe
bodythushasahistoryinChristianityofbeingassociatedwiththeafterlife.
However,instarkcontrasttothisviewofembodiedsanctity,earlyAmericanPuritansfocusedon
theseparationofthislifeandthenext,arguingthatdeathwasanaturalfactoflife,andburialsshould
behandledstoicallyandasamatterofcourse. Thebodywasviewednotasanearthlywindowinto
theafterlife,butasanimpedimenttoit. Puritanfuneralsburiedthebodyquickly,asthefocusofthe
funeralservicewastobringoneclosertoGod,throughtheacceptanceofhiswill. Inhisrecentbook,
TheSacredRemains: AmericanAttitudesTowardsDeath,1799–1883,GaryLadermanarguesthattheshift
inAmericanProtestantviewstothecorpse(andtheembalmedcorpse,inparticular)occurredaround
theCivilWarwithEvangelicalProtestants. Hewrites,
Evangelicalsdidnotignorethecorpse—itsimplybegantoserveanewpurpose,functioning
asaninstrumentforhealingthepainofsurvivorswhohadtoconfrontthedeathofafriend
orrelative. Inaculturethatwasmovingawayfromthestern,dogmatic,andoppressive
sensibilities of the Puritan past and toward the Romantic, sentimental, and domestic
characteristicsofthenineteenthcentury,evangelicalsreappraisedhowtomakesenseof
deathandthedeadbody. Thenewreligiousculturethatwasemergingcontributedtothe
establishmentoffourtrendsinnorthernProtestantattitudestowardsdeathvalorizationof
theaffectionsofthesurvivors,memorializationofthedead,augmentationofthespiritual
possibilitiesofthenextworld,anddomesticationofthecorpse. (Laderman1996,p. 55).
AmericanProtestantevangelicalsthusutilizedthecorpseasawaytomoveawayfromthemore
austerepracticesofthePuritans,butthecorpsethatbecamecenterstageinthisreligiousculturewas
notthedecomposingbody,butthesterile,cosmetic,andembalmedone.Thesuccessofthemorticianin
hingingthecontemporaryAmericanProtestantfuneralontheembalmedbody,however,alsocreated
ashiftfromholdingservicesforthedeadinchurchestoholdingtheminfuneralhomes,wherethe
funeraldirectorcouldmoreeasilyperformembalmingservices,keepthebodycompliant,controlthe
hoursoftheservices,andchargeforadditionaladd-ons. ElizabethH.Pleckdescribesthetensions
betweenAmericanProtestantclergyandthemodernfuneraldirectorinthe1920sand1930s:
Theundertakerwantedthecaskettoshowhiswork;theministerwanteditclosedsoasnot
todistractfromthesolemnityoftheservice.Protestantclergyfoundthemselvesquarrelling
withthefuneraldirectoraboutwhowouldchoosethehymns. Theyperceivedabattle
betweenspirituality,simplicity,andfamilyprivacy,whichtheyfavoured,anddisplayof
thecorpse,materialism,andpublicspectacle,whichtheyopposed. (Pleck2000,p. 195).
The spectacle of the embalmed body also brought to mind the Roman Catholic view of
incorruptibility and its relation to sainthood (see Cruz (2010) and Wilson (1983) for more on the
processandfolklore),challengingmoretraditionalPuritaninfluencesinAmericanProtestantdeath
rituals. Embalmingdelayeddecay,andstressedpurity,buttheconvenienceoftheembalmedbody
present as participant in the contemporary funeral has presented its own theological challenges.
Proclaiming embalmed bodies as precursors to the resurrected body and signposts to the afterlife
thatwouldfollowbecameonewaytorenegotiateAmericanProtestantism’sroleinthecontemporary
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funeral. AsignattheNationalArlingtonCemeteryontheMcClellangate,constructedin1871(andthe
only gate from the earlier part of this period in the eastern portion of the cemetery that remains),
illustratesthisclaim,proclaimingtherelationshipbetweenembalmingandsanctification,tyingthese
two together with American nationalism and military heroism. It reads, “Rest on embalmed and
sainteddead!”
ThepopularityofembalmingasaserviceinAmericanfuneralsisnotmerelytheresultofcultural
forces, orpurelyinterpretedbyreligiousbeliefs; boththeexponentialgrowthofthefuneralhome
industryasaprivateindustryandthemedicalizationandprofessionalizationofdyinganddeathare
alsotobetakenintoaccount. Inthisway,embalmingisalsoanextensionofthecontemporarytrend
ofdeathdenial,ingeneral. ErnestBecker(Becker2007)andElisabethKubler-Rosswroteexensively
on death denial in contepmporary American culture, and its effects on attitudes regarding death.
AsJosephandLaurieBragawriteintheforwardtoKubler-Ross’bookDeath,“Deathisasubjectthatis
evaded,ignored,anddeniedbyouryouth-worshipping,progress-orientedsociety. Itisalmostasifwe
havetakenondeathasjustanotherdiseasetobeconquered”(Kübler-Ross1997,p. x). Additionally,
theprivatizationofAmericanindustryandAmericanProtestantdenominationalismhasgonehand
inhandtocreatearipeconsumerculturefordeath-relatedproductsandservices. Americanfuneral
directorshavebeenabletoeffectivelycreateaculturalrhetoricsurroundingdeathandgrief,inwhich
embalmingbecameasymbolofAmericanprogress,modernity,success,andthemanipulationoftime
(corpsesthatcanwaitonthelivingvs. theotherwayaround),bodies,andspace. Religiousnotions
of the afterlife, the emphasis on the resurrection of the body, and religious notions of purity and
defilement,aidedthedeathindustrythroughequatingdeathanddecayasnotonlyunnaturaland
backward,butalsodirty,dangerous,andspirituallysuspect.
7. PlottinganAfterlife: CasketsandCemeteries
Casketchoicesareanotherconsumerdeathgoodaffectedbyreligiousworldviews,andtoday,
thereisarichassortmentofcasketchoicesavailableonthemarket. Oncemorecommonlyknown
as coffins, the term coffin was changed to casket by the funeral home industry to indicate a box,
such as a jewelry box, that holds something precious and of value. In this way, the funeral home
industrysucceededindomesticatingthetermcoffintoatermthatimplieddelicacy,emphasizingthe
preciousnessofthecontentsratherthantheuglyrealityofthedeath. Funeralhomeshavealsobecome
moreinventiveinthelastfortyyearsaswell,offeringinnovationsoncasketsthatincludeeverything
from interchangeable corners, to casket lid inserts and cap panels, to liner rentals. Innovations in
casketshavebeenpopularinthelasttwentyyearswithcompanieslikeCrazyCoffins(Crazy2017)
offering custom-built caskets that look more like art installations than coffins. Caskets come in
a wide variety of materials, ranging from cardboard to metal, and the price variation is equally
wide,rangingfromhundredsofdollarstotensofthousands. Asdiscussedatthebeginningofthis
article,Internetandretaildistributorshavealsomovedintothecasketmarket,witheveryonefrom
AmazontoWalmartofferingcoffinsonthecheap. AkeywordsearchonAmazonforcasketsreturns
over16,000availablechoices, withmemorialcasketsfromfamilytocatsanddogs. Inthissection,
Iturntoabriefanalysisofafterlifebeliefsandhowtheymightaffectandintersectwithconsumer
choicesincaskets(pleasekeepinmind,however,thatduetothetruncatedlengthofthisarticle,my
characterizationsofafterlifebeliefsaregeneralizations,andasinallcommunities,donotaccountfor
thecomplexitiesandvariationsfoundinreligiouscommunities).
Finally,Iwillexaminehowthesecasketchoicesandafterlifebeliefsalsointersectwithburialin
cemeteries—sincebothafterlifeconceptionsandcasketchoicesoftenintertwinewithfinaldisposal,
suchastheelectionofvaultliners,orthedecisiontobeburieddirectlyintheearth. SinceBuddhists
and Hindus generally purchase urns, I will not be discussing them, though one should note that
BuddhistsoftenintertheurnsinaBuddhistburialground,whileHindusactuallyprefertoscatter
theremainsinwater. CemeterieshaveundergonemanychangesintheAmericanlandscapeinthe
lasttwohundredandfiftyyears. Onceoccupyingaprivilegedplaceincitycenters,nearimportant
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churches and houses of government, many cemeteries have been banished to the outskirts of city
suburbs,ordugup,moved,andreplacedwithacontemporarylandscape. Cemeteriesarenotmerely
repositoriesofthedead,butarchitecturalandsymbolicintersectionsoftwoworldviews—theoneof
theliving,andthehopesandthoughtssurroundingdeathandwhatitisandshouldbe. Thetombof
theunknownsoldierattheArlingtonNationalCemeteryservestoreinforceadeeperculturalmessage
thatallofthedeadwholosetheirlivesintheserviceofnationalisticinterestswillberememberedas
heroic. Cemeteriesalsomaptheworldoftheliving,withreligiouscemeteriesinterringtheirmembers
insacredground,whileoutsidersareburiedelsewhere. Finally,cemeteriesalsoreflectclassandstatus,
withtombstonesandvaultsreflectingthestatusandmaterialsuccess(orlackthereof)oftheperson
whohasdied. IntheUnitedStates,mostcemeteriesareprivatelyownedandrun,whichmeansthat
theyhavetheirownrulesandregulationsregardingburial. Inburial,asinlife,peopleoftenwanttobe
buriedwiththosetheyidentifywith—eitherinclass,religiouspersuasion,orindemographics—and
oneofthefirstactionsofthemanydiasporicgroupswefindintheUnitedStatesisthepurchaseof
burialground. Thus,thereareBuddhist,Jewish,Muslim,Catholic,andProtestantburialgrounds,
alongwithcemeteriesthatspecializeinethnicsubsectionsofthesegroups, likeAfricanAmerican
ProtestantsandHispanicCatholics.
8. JewishBurialandDisposal
Thoughsomecemeteriesdonotpermitdirectburialofthebody,ifacasketmustbeused,itis
preferredthatthecasketbemadeofwoodwithnodesignsormetalornamentation. SomeJewish
communitiescontendthatevenmetalnailsorbracketsmaynotbeutilizedintheconstructionofa
casketbecausemetalisthematerialforweaponsofwar. Similarly,theinsideofthecoffinmustbeplain
andunlinedwithnoornamentationordecoration(Zalmann.d.). Themostpopularchoiceincaskets
forJewsremainsthesimplepinebox,whichgenerallyvariesinpricefromaround$400–$600. Pineis
considerednottobeostentatious,and,becauseitisnaturalwood,willallowrapiddecomposition
intheground;sometimes,breakingtheboxrightbeforeitisburiedisdonetoencourageevenfaster
decompositionofthebodilyremains.
MostJewshavetheirowncemeteries(whenJewsfirstimmigratedtotheUnitedStates,itwas
oftenthefirstthingtheybought)andwillopttobeburiedthere. Jewishtraditionclaimsthatallshould
attendtheintermentofthebodyforbothpsychologicalandreligiousreasons(Diner2004,pp. 245,
346–47). Viewingthefinalintermentofthebodyisconsideredthefinalactofkindnessonecanperform
forthedeceased,sinceitisakindnessthatcannotbereciprocated(FuneralPracticesCommitteeof
theBoardofRabbisofSouthernCalifornian.d.,p. 5). Often,attendeestotheburialareexpectedto
placedirtontopofthecasketiftheycannotactuallyburythebodythemselves,andthisactisseenas
beneficialforboththedeceasedandthebereaved. Lastly,itisnotuncommonforaJewtorequestthat
hiscasketbebrokentospeedthedecompositionprocess,ifhecannotbeburiedinashroudalone.
Unlikesometraditions,Judaismpreferstostresstheworldofthelivingandnotthedead,which
generallymeansthatabeliefindeadspirits,prayerstothedead,orprivateconversationswiththe
deadarestronglydiscouragedbecausetheyarebelievedtobetoosimilartoaworshipofthedead.
Thatbeingsaid,Judaismstressestheneedforabalance“thatpeopleshouldavoidtheextremesof
constantvisitationontheonehand,andofcompletedisregardontheother”(Lammn.d.). Thus,some
visitationispermitted,particularlyondaysofdistress,anniversariesofthedeath,etc.,aslongasthese
visitationsdonotoccuronaJewishholydaywhenoneshouldinsteadbefocusedonworshippingGod.
9. MuslimBurialandDisposal
Muslimsburytheirdeadinwhitemuslinshroudsfollowingthewashingofthebody,buryingthem
directlyinthegroundinthecemetery.TheexceptiontothisistheMuslimmartyr,whoisburieddirectly
inthegroundintheclothesinwhichs/hewaskilledwithoutbeingwashedfirst. Muslimmartyrs
arenotpreparedforburialbecausetheirpresenceintheafterlifeisassuredthroughtheirsacrificial
death,andthereforetheydonotneedthesamepreparationforburial(remember,thepreparationfor