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Burnout in Women Physicians Prevention, Treatment, and Management Cynthia M. Stonnington Julia A Files Editors 123 Burnout in Women Physicians Cynthia M. Stonnington Julia A Files Editors Burnout in Women Physicians Prevention, Treatment, and Management Editors Cynthia M. Stonnington Julia A Files Department of Psychiatry Division of Women’s Health and Psychology Internal Medicine Mayo Clinic Mayo Clinic Scottsdale, AZ Scottsdale, AZ USA USA ISBN 978-3-030-44458-7 ISBN 978-3-030-44459-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44459-4 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Foreword Sex as a Biological Variable Medicine is experiencing a remarkable, truly historical change. For most of the last 500 years or so, western medicine operated on the assumption that, outside the body parts directly related to reproduction (i.e., outside “the bikini zone”), women and men possessed fundamentally identical biology. We assumed that when it comes to hearts, livers, bones, immune systems, brains, you name it, one need not worry about potential sex differences because, frankly, they did not exist. Any differences that were detected (such as in sex hormone function) were relegated to non- fundamental status, something we can figure out after we under- stand the supposedly fundamental (meaning “shared”) features of human biology. It is truly hard to overstate how deeply imbedded was this view, thus how large is the change now occurring. Driven by an ever-growing body of research findings, medicine is discovering that its 500-year-old assumption about sex differences is just plain wrong. Recognizing this fact, on January 25, 2016, the United States National Institute of Health (NIH) for the first time ever established a policy (called Sex as a Biological Vari- able, or SABV) requiring all research funded by them to care- fully incorporate the study of potential male/female differences. And while this policy naturally generated resistance from many who do not want their research disturbed by having to consider females, it is truly a landmark moment. The NIH, we promise v vi Foreword you, will not abandon this policy, and in effect tell all scientists/ medical doctors that it’s ok to simply go back to ignoring poten- tial differences in females compared to males. It is now incumbent on all of us to explore sex influences on biology assiduously, and responsibly. Fear that sex differences research might be misused is no more a valid reason to avoid studying the topic than the fact that genetics has been misused historically is reason to stop studying genetics. Here we explore a portion of the burgeoning neuroscience literature especially rele- vant to the experience of women in the medical field, namely, sex differences in the neurobiology of stress responses, in particular social stress. Fortunately, “social neuroscience” as a field is growing along with interest in sex influences. More and more studies, both involving animal and human subjects, examine stress responses not in subjects in isolation but in response to real social settings. These studies are of course particularly helpful in understanding sex differences in response to social situations encountered by those in the medical field. Both clinical and subclinical (animal) studies inform the discussion. Animal research, sometimes dismissed by some as irrelevant to understanding sex differences in humans, in fact is a powerful tool for exploring biologically based sex differences in mam- mals that, while likely influenced to some degree by human cul- ture, cannot be simply explained by human culture. And stated simply, these studies are beginning to identify sex-specific vul- nerability as well as resilience in the brain mechanisms respond- ing to stress. Debra Bangasser and her colleagues at Temple University are among the leaders in this area. They have found that the center of the brain’s arousal system, a small but powerful brainstem nucleus called the “locus coeruleus” (literally “blue place”), is far more sensitive to endogenous stress hormones, and less adaptable to their chronic hyper-secretion, in females than in males, effects that becomes apparent during puberty, and are strongly influenced by sex hormones. Other evidence suggests that females may be less sensitive than males to the disruptive effects of stress on attention. Evidence indicates that ovarian hormones can reduce or Foreword vii block the impairing effects of stress hormones on the functioning of attention- related brain systems seen in males. Many of these findings are relatively recent, since the original research was almost exclusively done in males. Several lines of research reveal parallel findings in animal and human subject work, which of course are especially interesting. H. Elliot Albers and colleagues at Georgia State University exam- ine similarities and differences between females and males in the effects of social interaction with either the same sex or the oppo- site sex. The existing data suggest that in both rodents and humans, females find same-sex interactions more rewarding than do males, a difference some evidence suggests is related to a differential action of the hormone oxytocin on brainstem circuits. Also interesting and relevant are recent studies comparing the consequences of social defeat stress in females and males. Brian Trainor and colleagues at the University of California, Davis, were among the first to examine the effects of a social-defeat in female mice (almost all previous work having been done in male mice), and found clear differences. Social defeat induced social withdrawal in female, but not male, mice, an effect which was not related to circulating sex hormones. They next found that social defeat elevated levels of a key brain protein (called “BDNF”) only in female mice. Social withdrawal is a key component of anxiety/ depression disorders which predominate in women, thus these findings are likely relevant to understanding heightened suscepti- bility to depression in females. Trainor and colleagues also report that stress reduces cognitive flexibility, but mainly in males. They first discovered that, in mice, social defeat stress reduced “cognitive flexibility” (i.e., the ability to adapt to novel learning situations), but only in male mice. Females were not impaired. They then showed the same effect in humans: An acute social stressor (called the TSST) elevated corti- sol levels equally in healthy women and men, yet only impaired cognitive flexibility in the men. In an interesting summary of their work, Trainor and col- leagues observe that in females, the effects of social defeat are generally more consistent with reactive coping strategies (such as social withdrawal and reduced aggression), whereas behaviors in viii Foreword stressed males are generally more consistent with proactive cop- ing strategies (such as social approach and aggression.) These studies and many others prove the point: Sex matters, and it matters in ways we are only beginning to truly grasp, hav- ing avoided the issue for so long. Having advocated for the sex difference issue for almost 20 years now, I feel that what is truly needed now is a clear expression of the experiences of women, their individual successes and struggles moving into previously male-dominated fields like medicine. We need acknowledgement and acceptance and even celebration of sex differences, not their continued ideological denial. Consider this: If the entire structure of doctoral medicine was indeed created by and for its almost entirely male constituency (as it was), and if sex differences truly do matter, then it is essentially impossible that women should not have endured far greater distress than males on average in adapt- ing to that structure. Thus I feel what is really needed at this junc- ture is a book like this – something that begins to blend the growing science with the already extensive personal experiences of women in medicine. Both are needed to fully realize the poten- tial women offer to medicine and to address those drivers of burn- out that affect women differently than men. The reader will no doubt find this book to be satisfying from both a scientific and personal experience perspective and as a road map to more rewarding careers for both women and men in medicine. Larry Cahill, PhD Professor, Neurobiology and Behavior University of California Irvine, USA Preface A Commentary on Gender and Nomenclature We sit at a very interesting and pivotal time in history when it comes to the understanding of gender. While our awareness of the social construction of gender itself grows, so do our questions about the binary attribution of gender characteristics and the divi- sions of work and talent based on previous notions of those divi- sions. Social construction of gender refers to those elements of culture, some that were historically taken as biologically based, that are now being reevaluated and reconfigured. Saying such things as “boys don’t cry” or “women should smile more” means participating in those old constructions of gender that do not apply to many of the societies we live in anymore. With increasing fre- quency, individuals problematize those assumptions. To acknowledge all of the above is not the same as to say there are no ramifications to being of a certain gender in the world or in professions, and this book provides ample evidence that being a woman and a doctor in this time and place presents unique chal- lenges and risks for burnout, the very subject discussed in these pages. But how do we conduct these discussions in an increas- ingly diverse environment regarding the understanding of gender and gender relations? How do we focus on the challenges to be dealt with if we do not agree on the language that preambles the discussions about them in the first place? First of all, we acknowledge that we are in a social environ- ment in flux. That means not all members of particular groups, ix x Preface what linguists like myself call “speech communities,” are in agreement with or at the same stage of understanding of social phenomena at any given point in time. We conduct research in highly cross-cultural environments, and understandings of gender are a part of our cultural considerations. Because this volume is collaborative and the editors wanted to respect the style and point of view of each contributing author, every effort was made to maintain the original stance of the writer. This has repercussions, for example, for nomenclature. What do we call a woman who is a physician? Is she a “female doctor”? Perhaps a “woman doctor”? How do those choices impact the very construction of the phenomena they describe? The expression “man doctor” is virtually absent from academic circles, being that “male doctor” is used almost exclusivey in situations where establishing the gender is part of the argument and thus necessary. On the other hand, “female doctor,” some will contend, highlights the biologi- cal aspects of womanhood sometimes to the detriment of the social ones. However, to make decisions about which terms to use to refer to women based on the terms historically used to refer to men would be to replicate the same binary I am trying to dismantle in this text (e.g., women in relation to men, and the absence of everyone else). Finally, the choice I made in this preface to use “a woman and a doctor” or “a woman who is a doctor” is less intuitive and fluent especially when repeated many times, and so it is understandable that it does not always figure in these c hapters. As a result, a decision was made to honor the linguistic choices expressed in each individual chapter. Some of them do indeed speak more closely of the biosocial impact of being female (e.g., pregnancy, post-partum, hormonal profile). Others might focus on the more attitudinal aspects of the construction of womanhood, and might therefore call for different language selections. That is, both sex and gender play a role in issues faced by women physi- cians, and the editors wanted to leave each author free to make those elections based on their unique outlooks and themes of each chapter. The editors recognize the challenges of editing the work

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