BRUTUS i ii BRUTUS THE NOBLE CONSPIRATOR kathryn tempest YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW HAVEN AND LONDON iii Copyright © 2017 Kathryn Tempest All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press) without written permission from the publishers. For information about this and other Yale University Press publications, please contact: US Office: [email protected] yalebooks.com Europe Office: [email protected] yalebooks.co.uk Set in Minion Pro by IDSUK (DataConnection) Ltd Printed in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall Library of Congress Control Number: 2017948509 ISBN 978-0-300-18009-1 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 iv Contents List of Illustrations and Maps vi Preface ix A Note on the Text xiv Introduction: Brutus and the Biographical Tradition 1 1 Becoming Brutus 15 2 Independent Operator 33 3 The Politics of War 56 4 Thinking about Tyrannicide 78 5 After the Assassination 105 6 Reviving Republicanism 142 7 Brutus’ Last Fight 173 8 Death and Legend 211 Conclusion: The Many Faces of Brutus 232 Appendix 1: Key Dates 238 Appendix 2: After the Assassination – Chronology and 241 Sources Endnotes 259 Bibliography 296 Index 307 v ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS Illustrations 1. Denarius, 43–42 bc: Brutus and crossed daggers (RRC 508/3; © Trustees of the British Museum) 2. Senatus Populusque Romanus (courtesy of Hannah Swithinbank) 3. Capitoline Brutus, c. 300 bc (Rome, Musei Capitolini; © 2017 Photo Scala, Florence) 4. Denarius, 54 bc: Libertas and Lucius Junius Brutus (RRC 433/1; © The Trustees of the British Museum) 5. Denarius, 54 bc: Lucius Junius Brutus and Servilius Ahala (RRC 433/2; © The Trustees of the British Museum) 6. The Roman Forum (courtesy of Hannah Swithinbank) 7. Jean- Léon Gérôme, ‘Death of Caesar’, 1859 (© Walters Art Museum, bequeathed by Henry Walters) 8. Kai su, House of the Evil Eye, Roman mosaic at Antioch (Hatay Archaeological Museum at Antakya; Inventory no. Antakya 1024) 9. Denarius, 43/42 bc: Apollo and Victory (RRC 506/2; © The Trustees of the British Museum) 10. Philippi today (courtesy of Si Sheppard) 11. Augustus of Prima Porta, after 20 bc (Vatican, New Wing; © 2017 Photo Scala, Florence) 12. Michelangelo, Brutus, 1538, detail (Florence, Bargello; © 2017 Photo Scala, Florence – courtesy of the Ministero Beni e Att. Culturali) vi ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS vii Maps 1. The City of Rome xv 2. Italy in the Late Republic xvi 3. The Roman Empire in the First Century bc xvii 4. Provinces and Kingdoms of the East xviii 5. Commanders in the Mediterranean in 43–42 bc 180 6. Greece and Macedonia, and the Battles of Philippi 196 viii PREFACE But on the day of Brutus’ judgment, Caesar came without scroll or senate to declare verdict. ‘You demean yourself, dear Brutus’, he said almost gently, ‘attempting suicide like this. But death for you, my friend, is not an option. You will live forever’, eyes sad, ‘in the shadow of my name.’ And Brutus did live forever. He found himself not dead but filled with youth and eternity. Ashamed of his past, he travelled the worlds as Marcus, boundless centuries of world after world, from one galaxy to another, finding no peace. A shadow . . . If anyone spoke his name, it was in the same sentence as Caesar. Never just Brutus. — Eugene Bacon, 2015, ‘Being Marcus’, New Writing 12.3, 351 This extract from a short piece of fictional writing shows that the name of Marcus Brutus may suddenly pop up anywhere, even, as in this story, as a personal trainer at a fitness studio, somewhere on Earth in the twenty- first century. Condemned by Caesar’s ghost to a lifetime of immortality, he has seen his reputation wax and wane throughout history. He has witnessed his own reception: as Caesar’s assassin in Shakespeare and the eternal traitor chewed by Satan in Dante’s Inferno, and he disdains it. ‘History has forgotten the real Brutus’, the reader is caused to reflect; the memory of his life has been eclipsed by that of Caesar. And here lies part of the problem in recon- structing a biography for Brutus; from the moment he stabbed Caesar, he has continued to capture the imagination of those who have studied him and his role in the assassination. Thus the judgments have all been ix x PREFACE pronounced with the clarity and bias that hindsight seemingly provides. Yet, despite his popularity in literature and history, biographical studies of Brutus have not been plentiful. Already for Max Radin, writing Marcus Brutus back in 1939, the challenge was to present a living man and not a symbol. That man, in Radin’s conclusion, was a conflicted personality; his desire to follow where Cato led forced him to pursue a career that was ‘essentially repugnant’ to him. We might disagree with the conclusion today, but still the approach was more imaginative than that of Gérard Walter’s study (Brutus et la fin de la République), published in France the year before, which largely retold the story of Brutus from the ancient evidence, with little or no attempt to evaluate the material on which its conclusions were based. Since then, scholarship has moved on. Martin Clarke’s The Noblest Roman, published in 1981, aimed to present an account of Brutus based on the ancient evidence, as well as to trace the course of his posthumous reputation. To this day, Clarke’s work remains one of the best and most accessible books on the topic. But it is still too brief on certain points of detail, and especially so on the sources for studying Brutus’ life, his political activity and ethical conduct. Appearing in the same year, Erik Wistrand’s essay on ‘The Policy of Brutus the Tyrannicide’ went some way towards providing an explana- tion for the political agenda behind the assassination. However, for serious scholars of Brutus, the best contributions are only available to readers with some command of German. Matthias Gelzer’s 1917 entry for the Real- Encyclopädie presented a picture of Brutus which was particularly sympathetic to the times in which he operated. From this authoritative article, Brutus emerges as an essen- tially admirable man, yet one who had little political vision for the future. More apologetic still was Walter Stewens’ 1968 essay on the political career of Brutus (Brutus als Politiker), which included an examination of the prin- ciples for which he had acted against Caesar. Prompted by what he saw as an unoriginal take on the life and career of Caesar’s assassin, however, in 1970 Hermann Bengston produced his own collection of essays ‘On the History of Brutus’ (Zur Geschichte des Brutus). It did not claim to be a biography. Yet, in covering the sources for studying Brutus and by ques- tioning a range of topics pertinent to an understanding of his life – that is, his relationship with Caesar, his conduct after the assassination, as well as the panegyric and propaganda surrounding him – it offered a far more penetrative analysis than anything that had gone before it. In more recent decades, there have been several works which, although not dedicated to Brutus per se, have significantly advanced our