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BRATACHDU BH Collected Articles: Vol II BratacDhu bh: Collected 2 lnsurrectionary Writings BrataDcuhb h:C ollect2e d ArmedS truggilnIe t a'l7y6- '78 BrataDcuhb h AnarchiPsatm phle4 t ElephaEndti tions ArdenPtr esrse print Cover debsyi1 g8n8 2 distro 2015 Published by Aragom Moser and Leona Benton Printed at "The Compound" 1818 Carleton St. Berkeley, CA 94703-1908 Contents Introducttoit ohne2 ndE dition 1 Introducttoit ohne1 stE dition 3 Preface 8 OurR olien t heP reseCnotn flict 11 DiffuseUdr baGnu errilla 16 PrisRoenv olts 34 PrisoCnosu,r tasn dt heL egaHli erarchy43 Expropriation 49 VictiomfsR epression 53 SweaLta bour 65 PoliticainadPn asr tHye adquarters 68 TradeUsn ions 86 Factorainedts h eI ndustHriiearla rchy 88 StatOef fices 110 HeroiPnu shers 116 AttacAkgsa intshteP olice 122 RestructuRreipnrge ssion 129 Anti-InstitMuotvieomneanlt , RevolutioVniaorlye nce, ArmedS truggle-SRoemfel ections 131 Towardst heG eneralisoaft ion ArmedS truggle 142 On theP robleomfA rmedS truggle 154 ForwarCdo mrades! 158 Introduction to the 2nd Edition The years covered by this pamphlet mark an important period for the whole of the movement against capital. It was at this time that the antagonist movement in Italy finally shed all its taboos concerning destruction, violence, and the use of arms against the class enemy. It became normal to respond to the humiliation and tyranny of capitalism with the arms considered to be the most effective for doing so, and acts of violence by bosses, police, and fascists found an immediate re sponse both in the streets and in specific retaliatory actions against them. During this period a vast quantity of groups and struggle organisations emerged, convinced of the need to extend and heighten the armed struggle against capital. Many of these, in keeping with their lenin ist convictions, reached the conclusion that capital ism's final crisis had arrived, that victory was near and that it was time to fight the State on its own terms, in closed militaristic organisations (the armed wing of the proletariat) aimed at taking over and directing first the struggle, then the State. Their objectives were to recruit comrades into their organisations-the only ones entitled to carry out this historic task accord ing to them-and to raise the level of the struggle to the ultimate moment of victory. When their analysis proved to be mistaken (that the end of capitalism was not imminent, instead it was going through a difficult phase of re-structuring), they began negotiating with the enemy to have their prisoners released, even at the cost of dissociating themselves from the struggle and from revolution itself. But there was another dimension present in the struggle at the end of the seventies, one consisting of autonomous actions carried out by affinity groups formed for the duration of the action itself.At the time when we first published this counter-information we did so in order to make known and extend the whole dimension of armed struggle, and for this reason we chose to limit our criticism of the forms that struggle took. In reprinting it we are doing so with another aim: that of contributing to the struggle's qualitative development. Now that the need for an armed attack against capital and the State has become widely accept ed amongst comrades, it is time to work to extend the qualitative aspect that is spreading today using meth ods including sabotage against the structures of capital. This sabotage, usually carried out by small groups of comrades who have come together on the basis of af finity, is based on simple means that are available to anyone, and contains a strong element of creativity and joy in the knowledge that it is simple and effective to attack what is oppressing us directly, and that there is no need for endless documents of ideological justifica tion for doing so. This does not mean that arms in the 2 traditional sense of the word are no longer relevant or should be considered something to be used at some time far otf in the future. It is important to reflect on all these problems in order to develop and strengthen an efl:ective and intelligent revolutionary perspective. Introduction to the 1st Edition The key to the future is rebellion.As the multination als spread their hold throughout the world, changing their hosts as the demands of (overall) profit direct them, the trade unions are showing themselves to be obsolete as organisations of struggle, and actually di rect participants in capitalism's plan of restructuring. The advanced democratic State is ready to patron ise inquests in any sphere: prison reform, ecologi cal problems, debates on abortion, etc., in order to handle dissent and render it a manageable dynamic within the global project of social control, and some of the modern European States have shown them selves to be more astute in this prevision than others. We would say that Italy, although similar to Brit ain at an economic level where it shares its place as the weakest of the advanced industrialised countries, has less sophisticated means at its disposal with which to control the growing strata of those pushed to the margins of the process of production. In other words, it is not that Italy is a country in a more acute state of econonuc crisis than Britain, nor that, because here in Britain we do not read daily reports in our news papers about the burning of factory manager's cars, or the laming of journalists, that a situation of revolt at mass level does not also exist. It is not the politicised minority who create re volt, but the existence of exploitation. What we can say is that there is not a clearly politicised minor ity in Britain who, drawing their direction from the mass, are seeking to give it a wider perspective, that of generalised rebellion. Many factors come into play in this situation in our opinion, not least the one already mentioned: the State's capacity to recuperate margin al groups and give them a 'socially fulfilling' task such as involvement in adventure playgrounds, local hous ing, organised squatting projects, etc., allowing them a certain autonomy of movement, and very little excess energy for such activities as revolution. But we cannot blame the State for everything. We feel there exists a certain aristocratic tendency within the movement in Britain that denies the im portance of illegal action at grass roots level, and still persists in seeing rebellion in terms of the workers' movement. To this extent we feel the following in formation, however incomplete, is a contribution to forming a more realistic vision of where the struggle lies today. 4 The chronology that follows is an important ele ment of counter-information concerning the situa tion of struggle in Italy. We do not claim this to be a fully representative picture. Many acts of rebellion never reach the press either because they are sup pressed or because, taken on their individual merit they arc too insignificant, as in the case of absentee ism, individual sabotage, and self-appropriation of goods. And it is in these areas more and more that the minority groups are finding the message that an intensification of the struggle is necessary. We hope, however, that something will emerge from this vast collection of data: that armed struggle in Italy today does not lie in the hands of a few professional mili tants, but that it is a way of being, a way of everyday life for hundreds of thousands of people, and that area is forever widening its field of attack. The young people who have been pushed to the margins of Italian capitalism are creating their own theory with their actions. They have realised not only that there is nothing for them within the pres ent structure, but also that they want nothing from it. They want to destroy it in every form it presents itself, and this involves not only institutions, but the people who make them function as such. Similar attitudes are also re-emerging among the employed workers within the context of the factory, following a period