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Brain Gender - M. Hines (Oxford, 2004) WW PDF

324 Pages·2004·17.63 MB·English
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Brain Gender This page intentionally left blank BRAIN GENDER Melissa Nines OXPORD UNIVERSITY PRESS OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Copyright © 2004 by Melissa Hines First published in 2004 by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York, 10016 www.oup.com First issued as an Oxford University Press paperback in 2005. Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hines, Melissa. Brain gender p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-19-508410-8 (cloth)—978-0-19-518836-3 (pbk.) ISBN 0-19-508410-1 (cloth)—0-19-518836-5 (pbk.) 1. Neuropsychology. 2. Sex differences. 3. Psychoneuroendocrinology. I. Title. QP360.H56 2003 155.3—dc21 2003042950 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper To my parents, William Joseph Hines and Janice Ethel Cecilia Mary Sersig Mines To my husband, Richard Green And to NIC son, Adam Hines-Green This page intentionally left blank Preface W ho isn't interested in sex differences and their origins? Per- haps no one. My own serious interest in the topic probably began at Princeton. I started my intellectual training there in 1969 as part of the first freshman class that included women. One of my earliest communications from the University informed me that my dormitory assignment was to a "two man room." Fortunately, the other man in the room turned out to be someone named Emily. Later, one of my precept leaders called me Mr. Hines for several weeks, apparently before realizing that I was not male. I began to un- derstand that long-established institutions, and their forms, both written and spoken, change slowly. From Princeton I went to UCLA to study for a Ph.D. in psychol- ogy. I was interested in aggression—its causes and cures. I enrolled in the personality program, assuming that there was something called an aggressive personality. I already knew that the aggressive charac- ters I was interested in understanding tended to be men. I soon learned that, in other species, gonadal hormones, particularly an- drogens, had powerful influences on aggression. I also became aware that UCLA was a hotbed of research on hormones and the develop- ment of sex differences. Unusually for a student of personality, I de- cided to minor in neuroscience, as well as developmental psychology, and focused my dissertation research on the sex-related behavior of Vll viii Preface women whose mothers had taken the synthetic estrogen diethyl- stilbestrol (DES) during pregnancy. Subsequently, I joined the Labo- ratory of Neuroendocrinology at the UCLA Brain Research Institute for postdoctoral training, and for the next five or six years, did basic research at UCLA and at the University of Wisconsin, investigating hormonal influences on brain development in rodents. Eventually, I returned to human research, focusing primarily on studies of people who were exposed to unusual levels of androgens or other hormones prenatally. Along the way, I also trained, and was licensed, as a clini- cal psychologist. As a result of this unusual education, I bring three different per- spectives to my work on the origins of sex differences, a personal- ity/social/developmental perspective, a neuroscience perspective, and a clinical perspective. Since beginning to study sex differences, I have been surprised at the polarization of research in the field. Re- searchers generally approach their work from a social perspective or from a hormonal/genetic perspective. This can involve lip service to the existence and validity of the alternative perspective, but rarely does it involve a serious attempt to integrate the two. Even worse, the perspectives are often seen as adversarial, and those subscribing to one perspective show not only a lack of understanding of the other, but sometimes also disrespect for it. Among the more biologically oriented, this can express itself as a view that those who see social in- fluences as paramount are victims of political correctness. For their part, those with a more social perspective can view the biological camp as simplistic reductionists. One aim of this book is to try to present both perspectives in a respectful and balanced way and, where possible, to see if bringing both perspectives to bear on the question of sex differences can lead to a better understanding, or at least, new research approaches. I have tried to make this book accessible to a wide variety of readers, including academics, in disciplines ranging from social sci- ences to neurosciences; clinicians, including medical doctors, as well as psychologists; students from the advanced undergraduate to the postgraduate and postdoctoral level; and the interested lay person. Some of the material is technical, particularly that in Chapters 2 to 4 and Chapter 10. Each chapter should be able to stand alone, how- ever, and readers can choose to skip material that is more technical than their needs. There also is a glossary and cross-referencing (as Preface IX well as the usual index) to lead readers to relevant material from other chapters. Much research on the development of sex differences is basic science. However, this research has numerous social implications, some of them of fundamental importance to society. For instance, some scientists have suggested that men and women are innately pro- grammed for different cognitive abilities and interests and that these innate differences make sex segregation in occupations (e.g, men scientists, women teachers) inevitable. Others have suggested that males may be innately incapable of child care, preprogrammed to be aggressive, or unavoidably sexually promiscuous. Basic research, both from the social and the neuroscience perspective, can help address these claims. Finally, recent years have seen the resurfacing of an im- portant clinical issue related to proper guidance for children born with intersex genitalia (neither clearly male or clearly female) and their parents. Medical practice generally has been to surgically femi- nize these infants and rear them as girls. Of late, questions have been raised as to the wisdom of this practice. It is hoped that this book will inform that debate as well. London M.H.

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