Biographical Catalogue of the Portraits at Panshanger the Seat of Earl Cowper KG by Mary Louisa Boyle

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Title: Biographical Catalogue of the Portraits at Panshanger, the Seat of Earl Cowper, K.G.

Author: Mary Louisa Boyle

Release Date: November 10, 2020 [EBook #63698]

Language: English

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ARISE ✤ PRAY ✤ WORK

I

II

BIOGRAPHICAL CATALOGUE

OF THE PORTRAITS AT PANSHANGER

THE SEAT OF EARL COWPER, K.G.

IV

BIOGRAPHICAL

CATALOGUE

OF THE PORTRAITS
AT PANSHANGER

THE SEAT OF

EARL COWPER, K.G.

✿

‘A true delineation, even of the smallest man, and his scene of

pilgrimage through life, is capable of interesting the greatest
man; for all men are to an unspeakable degree brothers, each
man’s life a strange emblem of every man’s, and human
portraits faithfully drawn are, of all pictures, the welcomest on
human walls.’ Carlyle.

L O N D O N : E L L I O T S T O C K

1885.

TO

FRANCIS LORD COWPER

AND

KATRINE CECILIA HIS WIFE,

The Light of her Home,

THESE PAGES ARE AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED

BY

MARY LOUISA BOYLE.

Michaelmas 1885.

VI

VIII

PREFACE

In the Biographical Sketches contained in this volume, I have pursued the same system as in my two former

Catalogues, of the Galleries of Hinchingbrook and Longleat,—devoting especial attention to the immediate members,
or to personages in any way connected with the family in question. In the historical characters, I have purposely made
the details of public and official life (which are elsewhere recorded) subservient to those of a private and domestic
nature, although it is obvious that in some cases the two cannot be disentangled. In fact, I have preferred painting my
portraits in the costume worn at home, rather than in robes of office and suits of armour. I have refrained from
mentioning the innumerable authorities to which I have had recourse, in the British Museum and other Public and
Private Libraries, from a dread of adding to the weight of a volume already, I fear, too bulky. For help in my labours, I
am indebted to the noble owner of Panshanger himself, for the able papers on Charles James Fox, Lord Melbourne,
and the brothers De Witt,—while the author of that delightful memoir, ‘Fifty Years of my Life,’ so well known to the
reading public, contributed the interesting sketch of his ancestor, the first Earl of Albemarle.

The good services of Mr. Elliot Stock procured me the assistance of Monsieur Charles Rueles, the learned Keeper

of Manuscripts in the Royal Library at Brussels, when at a loss for information regarding the Marquez de Leganes, a
commander little spoken of by English writers. On the kindness of friends my impaired sight has compelled me to rely
for details of dress and descriptions of many of the portraits, and, on this account, my especial thanks are due to a fair
member of the Cowper family. In other respects, the work, it may be ‘a poor thing, is mine own,’ and, although in
some respects arduous and difficult, I have found it on the whole an undoubted labour of love.

M. L. B.

Michaelmas 1885.

IX

X

GALLERY.

XII

GALLERY.

No. 1.

HENRI DE LA TOUR D’AUVERGNE, VICOMTE DE TURENNE.

Equestrian Portrait, full size. Mounted on a dappled charger. Buff jerkin. Ruff. Embroidered sleeves. White scarf.

Plumed hat.

BORN 1611, KILLED IN ACTION 1675.

By Rembrandt.

E was the second son of the Duke de Bouillon, by Elizabeth of Nassau, daughter of William the Silent
and Charlotte de Montpensier. De Bouillon was attached in early life to Henry the Fourth, King of
France and Navarre, who spoke of him as ‘my lieutenant, my friend, and comrade.’ The Duke was a
soldier, diplomat, politician, and man of letters; and, moreover, founder of the Academy at Sedan,
which became the resort of all the youthful nobility and chivalry of Europe.

The Duke was one of the chief leaders of the Calvinistic party, and in their tenets he brought up his two sons, the

Prince de Sedan and the Vicomte de Turenne. When the education of the elder was completed, he went to Holland to
learn the art of war, under his uncle Maurice, Prince of Orange, while Henry continued his studies at home. In early
childhood his constitution was far from robust, which inclined the Duke to destine him for some civil employment; but
the little Vicomte had set his whole heart on being a soldier, and he was resolved to prove to his father that the decision
he had come to was ill-founded. He took, in consequence, rather an ingenious method of manifesting his health and
strength. One evening the boy contrived to elude the vigilance of his governor, who spent hours of anxious search, and
never discovered the truant till the next morning, on the ramparts of the town. On the carriage of a cannon, where he
had passed the whole night, lay the little fellow, smiling in his calm sleep over the dreams which had visited his iron
pillow,—visions, in all probability, of the daring exploits of some of his beloved heroes of antiquity, or some brilliant
foretaste of his own future glory. But a still more characteristic anecdote is told of Turenne’s boyhood. He took great
delight in lecturing, as it were, to a group of admiring listeners, on the merits of his favourite historian, Quintus Curtius,
or the mighty deeds of Alexander the Great. In such moments his eye would kindle, his whole face brighten, and he
would overcome that hesitation of speech under which he laboured in calmer moments. One eventful day an officer (of
mature years), who was in the company, ventured to speak disparagingly of Henry’s favourite historian, and even to
question his veracity! This was too much for the impetuous boy; he waxed wroth, and answered the attack with
indignation, to the infinite amusement of his mother, who was present. She made a sign to the officer to prosecute the
argument, till the Vicomte de Turenne, with all the offended dignity of his ten years, left the room in a towering passion,
and the same evening challenged the officer to mortal combat. The ‘cartel’ was carried to the Duchess, who was much
delighted with this early development of her son’s military ardour. The challenge was of course accepted, the place of
rendezvous settled, and thither the small hero hastened the next morning, ‘his soul in arms, and eager for the fray.’ To
his surprise he found his mother on the ground, and the officer by her side, while on the green turf at their feet was
spread a goodly banquet. The Duchess advanced with a smile, and embracing her son told him she had come to act as
second to his antagonist, but that they must first breakfast, upon which the three sat down, together with the gentlemen
of the hunt, who were also there assembled, and during the repast, as may easily be believed, peace was concluded,
the honour of the young firebrand appeased, and an exhilarating gallop put an end to all discord.

Henry was only twelve when his father died; he remained a year longer at home, during which time he showed a far

greater taste for athletic and military exercises than for sedentary studies; above all, he delighted in horsemanship, and
the more unmanageable the steed, the more willingly would Henry mount it. Hearing that the Comte de Roussy
(afterwards his brother-in-law) had brought a charger from Paris that was considered wild and vicious, he never rested
till he had it saddled, and leaped on its back, in spite of the expostulations of the whole household. In a short time the
juvenile Alexander returned from his triumphant ride, having tamed the modern Bucephalus! When thirteen, the
Duchess sent him to join his brother at the Court of the Stadtholder; Maurice received him graciously, but insisted on
his entering the army as a private soldier. The Prince died a very short time after Turenne’s arrival in Holland, but the
youth had already imbibed those lessons of military tactics, and that reverence for discipline, which, added to his own
talents and aptitude for the service, stood him in good stead his life long. Henry Frederic, Maurice’s successor as
Stadtholder and commander-in-chief, continued his protection to Turenne, and gave him the command of a regiment of
infantry, which soon became a model of discipline. Under his uncle’s auspices, the young soldier now commenced
active service; in 1629 he distinguished himself more especially at the siege of Bois-le-Duc, a fortress known as La
Pucelle de Brabant.

It is not our intention to make a list of the military exploits of this great man, whose campaigns in Lorraine, Italy,

Germany, etc., would fill many volumes, and indeed form part of the history of France, or rather of Europe. While his
brilliant victories, his skilful retreats, and, for the most part, his successful diplomatic negotiations, established his lasting
fame, we shall only enumerate those which are necessary to a narrative of this nature. In the early days of which we are

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now speaking, Turenne’s valour and thirst for enterprise were so remarkable that Prince Henry Frederic deemed it
advisable to reprimand the young soldier for his rashness, with (it may be conceived) but ill-concealed admiration for
his prowess. The Prince said one day to some officers who were standing near him, ‘If I mistake not, Turenne will one
day rival our greatest captains in fame and glory.’ Turenne remained five years in the service of Holland, when his
mother, who had been engaged in political negotiations with France, sent him to that country, where the King and his
Prime Minister, Cardinal Richelieu, received him most graciously, and gave him the command of a regiment of foot in
the French army. At the siege of La Motte he mounted the walls in person, and carried the bastion, for which he was
rewarded with the bâton of a field-marshal—a grade only second to that of Marshal of France,—being an honour
almost unheard of for a young man of three-and-twenty. His humanity was equal to his valour. During the privations and
hardships of the retreat from Mayence in 1635, the Marshal exerted himself to the utmost to alleviate suffering. He
caused many of the valuable contents of his own baggage-wagons to be thrown away, in order to provide room for the
weary and wounded; he shared his own provisions with the common soldiers, consoling and helping all those who were
in need, without distinction of rank or nationality. Never slackening for one moment in his military duties, which he
pursued with untiring zeal, at the siege of Saverne, foremost, as usual, in mounting the breach, his arm was struck by a
musket-ball, and for some time it was believed amputation must ensue. The recovery was slow and tedious, but long
before it was complete the Marshal had resumed his duties.

In 1638 he became a lieutenant-general, on being sent to the relief of Duke Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar, with whom

an alliance had been formed by France. In 1646 he returned to Paris, to the Court, where the Prime Minister, Cardinal
Mazarin, whose recognition of his great services had hitherto been but lukewarm, was loud in his commendation, and
offered him the Duchy of Château Thierry, and the hand of one of his beautiful and well-dowered nieces; but Turenne
refused all these offers, from the conviction that some of the conditions therein involved would prove prejudicial to the
interests of his brother, the Duke de Bouillon, to whom he was warmly attached. He was defeated by the Comte de
Mercy, in command of the Bavarians at Mariendal, but made a most skilful retreat, and by the side of the Prince de
Condé took his revenge at the battle of Nordlingen, where Mercy was routed, and received his death-wound. This
brave general was buried near the place where he fell, and his tomb bore this inscription: Sta, Viator, Heroem Calcas.
Turenne then marched to join the Swedish General Wrangel, the friend and comrade of the great Gustavus Adolphus,
in Hesse, and was preparing for fresh warfare when the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia gave peace to Central
Europe, concluding the Thirty Years War. A most flattering letter to the Vicomte de Turenne was written by the Elector
of Mayence, the Duke of Würtemberg, and many other Princes and Ambassadors, attributing this happy event as much
to his military exploits as to the efforts of the Plenipotentiaries.

France did not long enjoy the blessings of peace for civil war was now about to shed its baneful influence over the

land. Anne of Austria, the Queen-Mother and Regent (during Louis the Fourteenth’s minority), was almost entirely
under the influence of her Prime Minister, Cardinal Mazarin, who was very unpopular with the Parliament and the
greater part of the French nation. The successes of the English Parliamentarian troops over those of the Royalists, and
the downfall of the Monarchy, had given a strong impetus to the anti-Court party in France, and a faction was formed,
well known in history as the ‘Fronde.’

This nickname was given to the party who were opposed to the policy of the Queen-Regent, Anne of Austria, and

her favourite and adviser, Cardinal de Mazarin, whose measures they condemned as unjust and oppressive. One of the
principal adherents was the Cardinal de Retz, or Coadjutor, as he was called, a turbulent and intriguing spirit; but it
soon numbered among its members the most important and noble names in France. The designation of Frondeurs was
given by a contemporary writer, from the word Fronde,—Anglicè, a sling. He likened the malcontents to boys who
went about the streets slinging stones, till put to flight by the appearance of any officer of the law. By degrees the faction
assumed a much more imposing form, and though the name remained, it had certainly lost its significance. Discontent
increased every day, the people clamoured for redress of grievances, and deputations flocked to Parliament to entreat
the interference of the members against the oppressions of the Court. The Parliament was divided into three different
factions,—the Frondeurs aforesaid, the Mazarinists, who supported the Cardinal, and the Modérés, who blamed the
ultra views of both parties. Three members in particular rose up as champions of the oppressed, and so incensed the
Queen by their seditious language, that she caused them to be arrested. This was the signal for open revolt: shops were
closed, streets blocked, barricades formed, and the liberty of ‘the fathers of the people,’ as they were called, loudly
and insolently demanded. Anne of Austria showed courage and determination, arguing that compliance would be a fatal
admission of weakness; but the Duke of Orleans and the Cardinal, alarmed for their own safety and property,
overruled her decision. The captives were released, and the Court departed hastily to St. Germains, a step which was
designated as ‘l’enlèvement du Roi.’ The popular party was triumphant, and the Cardinal de Retz, considering it a
favourable opportunity, exerted himself to gain proselytes, and the malcontents soon numbered among their adherents
such men as the Dukes de Bouillon, de Lorraine, de Beaufort, de Longueville, de la Rochefoucauld, and the Prince de
Conti, brother of the great Condé, with many others. They were also rich in noble female partisans, ‘les héroines de la
Fronde.’ Beauty, birth, and talent swelled the list of the fair conspirators,—Mademoiselle de Montpensier, ‘la grande
demoiselle,’ as she was called,—the Duchesses de Chevreuse and de Bouillon, the Princess Palatine, and last, but least
in no sense of the word, the Duchesse de Longueville. When Anne of Austria deserted her post at Paris, a rival in
power, a superior in youth and beauty, reigned for a time paramount in her stead,—the charming despot of an elective
monarchy.

Anne Généviève de Bourbon was at one time so nearly connected with the fortunes of Turenne that we are tempted

to give some details respecting her eventful life. Her father was Henry, Prince de Condé (or ‘Monsieur le Prince,’ as

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the head of that illustrious house was always called), her mother the beautiful Charlotte de Montmorency, daughter of
the Grand Connétable of that name. They were both imprisoned in the Château de Vincennes, where their daughter
was born in the year 1618. Mademoiselle de Bourbon was educated at the Convent of the Carmelites, where she
showed a decided bias towards the vocation of a recluse, and a corresponding aversion to the idea of a life at Court, or
in the great world. A very short experience, however, of admiration and success entirely changed her views, and she
became one of the most lovely précieuses of the Hôtel Rambouillet. The cynosure of all eyes, a crowd of suitors
clustered round her, none of whom found favour in the sight of her parents, till the Duc de Longueville presented
himself. He was her senior by many years, and still under the influence of a former mistress, the Duchesse de
Montbazon; but he came of an illustrious family, and was not far removed from the rank of a prince of the blood-royal;
and Mademoiselle de Bourbon had the paternal commands laid upon her to receive him as her bridegroom. At first she
showed the greatest possible repugnance to the marriage, but there was no alternative; and she walked to the altar,
radiant in beauty, and gorgeously attired, assuming a cheerfulness of demeanour which belied the feelings of her heart.
From that time forward the young Duchess gave herself up to a system of cold-blooded coquetry, which had most
disastrous results. We quote an eloquent description from the pages of her biographer, Ville Flore: ‘Un an s’était à
peine écoulé, que la blanche robe de la jeune mariée avait déjà des táches de sang, et que sans même avoir donné son
cœur elle faisait naître involontairement la plus tragique querelle, oû Coligny perissait à la fleur de l’âge par la main d’un
de ces Guises, auquel elle avoit été un moment destinée. Prélude sinistre des orages qui l’attendaient.’ Adorers
crowded round her, poets sang her praises, novels were written of which she was the peerless heroine, and still
Généviève de Longueville proceeded on her triumphal march, careless and fancy-free, making conquest after conquest,
creating cabals and jealousies that became political feuds,—the Court now taking part against, now with, the beautiful
syren. ‘Mais on ne badine pas éternellement avec l’amour.’

M. de Masillac (or as we will call him by his better-known title, the Duc de la Rochefoucauld, to which he shortly

succeeded), who had once been loved, and was now hated, by Anne of Austria, laid siege to the fortress which had
held out so long, and carried the heart of the Duchesse de Longueville by storm. Witty, handsome, cynical, reserved,
and self-contained, with a reputation already established for valour and intellect, La Rochefoucauld soon gained a
complete ascendency over this daughter of the proud house of Condé.

He was a man who, for the most part, practised what he preached and expounded in his world-famed ‘Maxims,’

and whose character, drawn by his own pen, showed how the head preponderated over the heart in his composition.
That he admired the Duchess there can be no doubt:—

‘Pour mériter son cœur,

Pour plaire à ses beaux yeux,

J’ai fait la guerre aux rois,

Je l’aurais fait aux dieux.’

But his first advances were unquestionably made in cold blood, and it was in the hope of gaining proselytes to the cause
of the Fronde that he desired the alliance and co-operation of this beautiful woman. Touched and flattered by the
simulated passion of so remarkable a man, the Duchess gave herself up, heart and soul, to her lover, obedient to his
every wish, submissive to his every direction. She forgot her pride of birth and position, her marriage vows, and the
tender affection which had hitherto bound her to her elder brother. Let us hear how the man for whom she made such
sacrifices speaks of her in the early days of their liaison: ‘Ses belles qualités étaient moins brillantes à cause d’une tâche
qui ne s’est jamais vue en une princesse de ce mérite, qui est, que bien loin de donner la loi à ceux qui avaient une
particulière adoration pour elle, elle se transformait si fort dans leurs sentimens qu’elle ne reconnaissait point les siens
propres.’ And so he despised the very quality for which he had wooed her,—a palpable moral!

Madame de Motteville testifies that ambition had little part in Madame de Longueville’s proceedings. She was only

ambitious for her lover,—‘qui étoit peut-être plus intéressé qu’il n’était tendre.’ Among her proselytes she gained over
her younger brother to the cause; her husband also was nothing loath to join the Fronde. But La Rochefoucauld, when
he thought to win the great Condé through the medium of his sister, had reckoned without his host. Madame de
Longueville used all her powers of persuasion, vainly appealing to the tender memories of home and childhood, but
Condé was implacable. He upbraided his sister with her dishonour, expressed his aversion to La Rochefoucauld, and
joined the Court at St. Germains, where he assumed the command of the troops that had remained faithful to the King,
and shortly afterwards marched upon Paris to attack the Frondeurs, who had named his brother, the Prince de Conti,
their ‘Generalissimo.’ Now the Duchesse de Longueville had excused herself from joining her mother, the Princesse de
Condé, who was at St. Germains in attendance on the Queen, on the plea of her approaching confinement. But the
delicacy of her situation did not prevent her acting under the orders of her despotic lover. She shared all the perils and
hardships of her friends the Frondeurs, assisted at the parades and reviews of the troops and the civic guard, took part
in all the military discussions, and in fact transformed the Hôtel de Longueville into a barrack.

In this state of strife and discord both sides concurred in the advisability of gaining over Marshal Turenne to their

interests, and he, being now in command of the French army in Germany, received the most flattering letters from the
Queen and her Minister. Mazarin was profuse in his offers of civil and military aggrandisement; renewing the proposal
of an alliance with his richly-dowered niece at the same time that he complained to Turenne of the disloyalty of his
brother, the Duc de Bouillon.

The Marshal’s answer was manly and straightforward to all these flattering advances. He wrote respectfully indeed,

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but said this was not a moment for men to think of their own personal advancement. He regretted the disaffection of his
brother, and deeply deplored the troubles that reigned in France; he stigmatised the blockade of Paris as a most
dangerous step, declined with courteous thanks the offer of the matrimonial alliance on the score of difference of
religion, and told his Eminence plainly that, if he continued to oppress the people, he (Turenne) could no longer hold out
to him the hand of friendship; moreover, that on his return to France, at the head of his troops (according to orders
from headquarters), he was resolved neither to favour the revolt of Parliament nor the injustice of the Minister. It was
reserved for the seductive arts of a syren to lead the hero astray from the straight path he had chalked out for himself.

The Duchesse de Longueville had already made a deep impression on the proverbially susceptible heart of the

Vicomte de Turenne. About the time of the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia, when she joined her husband at
Münster, the hero had on that occasion held a review of all the troops under his command to do honour to the beautiful
sister of his former brother in arms, the Prince de Condé.

But to return to the time of which we are treating: the Marshal assembled his soldiers, and made them a formal

address, in which he expressed his regret at the state of affairs in France, and assured them that on their return he
would use all his influence to persuade the King to go back to Paris, and to take measures for checking the
maladministration of the Cardinal. He would also use his best endeavours to obtain the pay (with considerable arrears)
that was owing to the troops, both French and auxiliary; and, not content with spoken words, he published a manifesto
to the same effect. The Regency, indignant at Turenne’s independent manner of proceeding, and confident that they
could not reckon on his co-operation, caused him to be superseded in his command; and to reconcile the soldiers (with
whom he was very popular) to this step, they sent them out considerable sums of money. Turenne calmly resigned his
post, exhorted the men to loyalty and obedience, and repaired with some friends and followers to Holland, there to
await more peaceful times. Before long the Court and the malcontents came to terms by what was called the Peace of
Ruel. Deputies from both sides met and negotiated, an amnesty was proclaimed, posts and governments were offered
to the chief Frondeurs, and concessions of all kinds served out, as sops to the disaffected.

The wily Cardinal knew his world. Turenne had little ambition, in the common acceptation of the word, no greed of

gold or worldly advancement, as to office, or the like; but his pride of birth was a ruling passion, and dearly did he love
anything that tended to the glorification of his family.

To his brother, as head of the house, he paid a species of obedience, as to a suzerain,—a line of conduct he pursued

towards his nephew, though still a youth, on succeeding to the title. All these things considered, it is not to be wondered
at that Turenne was delighted when he received the news that patents had been granted to himself and his brother (with
other concessions to the elder), entitling them and their descendants to the dignities and privileges of Princes of the
blood-royal. He hastened back to Paris, and was received by the Cardinal with outward signs of welcome. But
breakers were ahead. The peace was a hollow one, leaving both parties in much the same condition: the Cardinal and
the Parliament each preserving authority as before,—the one over the Court, the other over the people. The Prince de
Condé was always at issue with the Minister, whom he treated with ill-concealed contempt; and his Eminence, wearied
and perplexed by the exigencies and requirements of the great man, and maddened by his sarcasms, plotted his ruin.

The Duchesse de Longueville, who watched all passing events with vigilance, chose this opportunity to renew her

overtures of reconciliation to her brother; and she not only succeeded in so doing, but persuaded Monsieur le Prince to
give in a half-and-half adhesion to the cause of the Fronde, in which party he had many friends, and perhaps more
enemies.

Among the most inveterate of the latter was the Cardinal de Retz, at this moment on friendly terms with the Court;

and it was by the joint arrangement of the two Churchmen that a step was taken which rekindled the torch of public
discord. The Queen-Regent had also lately been much incensed against the Prince de Condé, who had shown himself
wanting in respect and deference to her Majesty; and petty intrigues of all kinds were at work against him.

On the 18th of January 1650, as the Princes of Condé, Conti, and the Duc de Longueville entered the Royal

Council-chamber, they were arrested, and sent off without a moment’s delay to the Château de Vincennes. This step
caused a panic among their friends, who dispersed in all directions. The Duchesse de Longueville left Paris by night with
a large escort, headed by her adorer, the Duc de la Rochefoucauld, and repaired to Normandy, to raise the inhabitants
of the province against the King, in which undertaking, however, she was unsuccessful. Turenne took his way to Stenai,
a stronghold belonging to the Prince de Condé, and openly avowed his indignation at the imprisonment of the Princes.

‘On prétend’—we again quote his Mémoires—‘que l’amour pour la sœur eût autant de part aux fausses démarches

du vicomte que l’amitié pour le frère.’ Be this as it may, he was soon joined by the Duchess; and in answer to all the
flattering missives sent him by the Cardinal, and the offers of high military commands and the like, he declared his
determination not to return to his allegiance until the Princes were set at liberty. He also wrote to the Queen,
expostulating with her on the step she had taken, and pointing out that such a man as the great Condé was far more
worthy her confidence, on account of his birth and character, and the military services he had rendered his Sovereign,
than the Cardinal, who was an object of aversion to the country at large,—arguments which had no effect on the Royal
mind. It appears that the Duchess was not as grateful to Turenne as he had hoped, her liaison with the Duc de la
Rochefoucauld interfering with the Marshal’s claim; but so great an adept in the arts of coquetry doubtless knew how
to keep her most valuable ally betwixt hope and despair for some time. He had certainly transferred his loyalty from
Queen Anne to Queen Généviève, for the Duchess gave herself all the airs of a sovereign—levying an army, publishing
manifestoes, and even concluding treaties. She sold her diamonds, an example which was followed by the obedient
Marshal, who disposed of his splendid silver plate in order to raise troops. He collected together all those who adhered

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