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BEYOND  THE  EROTICS  OF  ORIENTALISM.     HOMELAND  SECURITY,  LIBERAL  WAR  AND  THE  PACIFICATION   OF  THE  GLOBAL  FRONTIER         MELANIE  RICHTER-­‐MONTPETIT       A  DISSERTATION  SUBMITTED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  GRADUATE   STUDIES  IN  PARTIAL  FULFILLMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS   FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY     GRADUATE  PROGRAM  IN  POLITICAL  SCIENCE   YORK  UNIVERSITY   TORONTO,  ONTARIO     September  2014   ©  Melanie  Richter-­‐Montpetit,  2014 Dissertation  Abstract   Beyond  the  Erotics  of  Orientalism:  Homeland  Security,  Liberal  War  and  the  Pacification  of  the   Global  Frontier  traces  the  post-­‐9/11  ascendancy  of  a  complex  and  seemingly  contradictory   U.S.  national  security  imaginary  and  concomitant  practices  of  war  and  violence.  On  the  one   hand,   the   U.S.   security   state   supported   at   times   quite   radical   transgressions   from   the   gendered  racial-­‐sexual  grammars  of  the  usual  “War  Story”  (Cooke,  1996),  such  as  the  active   involvement  of  women  in  the  torture  of  enemy  prisoners,  the  repeal  of  the  Don't  Ask  Don't   Tell  policy  and  more  recently  its  support  for  overturning  the  Defense  of  Marriage  Act.  The   U.S.   social   formation   also   took   a   seemingly   great   leap   forward   towards   “post-­‐racial   triumph”  (Ho  Sang  &  LaBennett,  2012,  p.  5)  with  the  most  diverse  Presidential  cabinet  in   U.S.  history  under  Bush  Jr.  culminating  in  2008  in  the  election  of  Barack  Obama,  the  first   American   President   racialized   as   Black.   On   the   other   hand,   the   U.S.   security   state   aggressively  pursued  the  racialized  expansion  and  intensification  of  the  (extrajudicial)  use   of  military  and  carceral  force  in  time  and  space,  including  selective  deportations,  indefinite   detentions,  the  creation  of  an  official  torture  policy  and  targeted  killings  of  so-­‐called  enemy   combatants  outside  of  official  warzones,  including  of  US  citizens.  Beyond  the  Erotics  of   Orientalism  explores  these  reconfigurations  of  law  and  belonging  within  broader  shifts  in   contemporary  liberal  governance,  in  particular  the  promise  that  the  19th  century  colour  line   (DuBois,  1903)  has  been  transcended  and  no  longer  per  se  marks  populations  as  in/violable.   I  show  how  in  this  era  of  post-­‐racial/sexual/gender  triumph,  the  liberal  project  of  security   governs  not  only  through  military  and  carceral  force,  but  also  affectively  through  self-­‐rule   and  the  promotion  of  social  difference.  The  dissertation  locates  the  U.S.  War  on  Terror's     II ambiguous  promise  of  liberal  freedom,  equal  inclusion  and  self-­‐rule  in  the  desires  and   disavowals  of  a  White  settler  society  in  “the  afterlife  of  slavery”  (Hartman,  2007,  p.  6).   Building  on  the  work  of  Native  feminist  and  Afro-­‐Pessimist  theorists,  this  study  suggests  that   we   can   only   meaningfully   interrogate   the   operations   of   power   and   violence   in   contemporary   U.S.   security   making   -­‐   including   against   Orientalized   subjects   -­‐   by   accounting  for  the  foundational  role  of  anti-­‐Black  racism  and  the  settler  colonial  character   of  the  U.S.  social  formation.  These  interlocking  racial-­‐sexual  logics  mobilize  knowledges  of   war  and  violence  that  facilitate  not  only  the  targeting  of  Muslim/ified  people  and  spaces,   but  in  turn  also  help  secure  the  gendered  racial-­‐sexual  order  and  property  regime  of  the   settler  colonial  homeland  in  this  age  of  “post-­‐everything”  (Crenshaw,  2014)  triumph.       III Acknowledgements   There  are  many  people  I  would  like  to  thank  for  their  support  and  guidance  throughout  my   doctoral  studies.  Writing  the  dissertation  allowed  me  to  enter  a  sustained  engagement   with  several  wonderful  individuals  and  communities  over  issues  very  dear  to  me.  My   deepest   gratitude   goes   to   my   advisor,   Anna   M.   Agathangelou,   for   her   outstanding   intellectual  guidance  and  self-­‐less  time  and  care  in  seeing  me  finish  and  flourish.  Anna   carefully  read  various  drafts  of  every  chapter  and  offered  rigorous  yet  supportive  critique.   I  benefited  greatly  not  only  from  Anna’s  incredible  expertise  on  the  subject  but  also  her   unflinching  faith  and  encouragement  as  I  was  navigating  some  major  personal  challenges   during  my  studies.  My  sincere  thank  you  also  to  my  PhD  committee  members  Andil  Gosine   and  Sandra  Whitworth  for  their  insightful  comments  on  earlier  drafts  of  the  dissertation.  I   am  deeply  thankful  for  their  heartfelt  support  for  me  finishing  the  thesis  and  establishing   myself  professionally.  I  presented  some  of  the  chapters  at  various  conferences  and  would   like  to  thank  in  particular  David  Mutimer  for  his  helpful  comments  and  suggestions.  When  I   look  back  at  my  time  at  YorkU  I  will  always  be  grateful  for  all  the  support  I  received  during   my   MA   and   PhD   studies   from   the   administrative   staff   at   the   department,   Marlene   Quesenberry,  Jlenya  Sarra-­‐De  Meo  and  Judy  Matadial.     Over   the   years,   I   got   to   connect   with   established   scholars   who   encouraged,   supported   and   guided   me   intellectually   and   professionally.   I   would   like   to   thank   in   particular  Annick  T  R  Wibben,  Anita  Lacey,  Cai  Wilkinson,  Kim  Rygiel,  Laura  Parisi,  Laura   Shepherd,  Liz  Philipose,  Mark  Salter,  Marshall  Beier,  Megan  MacKenzie,  Sandra  McEvoy,   Simona  Sharoni,  Swati  Parashar  and  Victoria  Basham.  My  gratitude  also  to  the  “oldies”  at   YCISS  who  supported  me  with  much  great  advise  from  the  first  year  I  joined  them  at  the     IV Centre  –  thank  you  to  Alison  Howell,  Colleen  Bell,  Elizabeth  Dauphinée,  Maya  Eichler  and   Ryerson  Christie.     Much  of  the  thinking  that  has  gone  into  this  dissertation  developed  over  time  by   engaging  with  the  political  analyses  and  lived  practices  of  brilliant  and  generous  friends  as   well  as  of  various  community  organizations  and  social  movements  in  Toronto,  including  No   One  Is  Illegal,  No  More  Silence,  CUPE3903,  Maggie’s  and  Queers  Against  Israeli  Apartheid,  to   mention  just  a  few.  For  conversations  that  shaped  my  thinking  about  various  aspects  of  the   dissertation  I  would  like  to  thank  Aslı  Zengin,  Begüm  Uzun,  Bikrum  Gill  Singh,  Carmen   Sanchez,  Chris  Hendershot,  Deepa  Rajkumar,  Elisa  Wynne-­‐Hughes,  John  Carlaw,  Juliane   Edler,   Lori   Crowe,   Melisa   Breton,   Melissa   White,   Naoko   Ikeda,   Nayrouz   Abu-­‐Hatoum,   Nelson   Lai,   Özlem   Aslan,   Preethy   Sivakumar,   Ravinder   Gill,   Ritu   Mathur,   Shihoko   Nakagawa,   Ümit   Aydoğmuş,   Véronique   Aubry,   and   Zuba   Wai.   A   special   thank   you   to   Nishant  Upadhyay  for  his  precious  engagement,  practical  help  and  friendship  in  getting   this  dissertation  done.  I  am  indebted  also  to  the  members  of  the  PhD  workshop  for   comments  on  the  dissertation  and  providing  a  sense  of  community:  Abhinava  Kumar,   Arthur  Imperial,  Johanna  May  Black,  Roshan  Jahangeer,  Konstantin  Kilibarda,  and  Hena   Tyyebi.  Thank  you  also  to  my  wonderful  students  in  last  year’s  American  Politics  seminar   for  your  spirited  engagement  with  many  of  the  themes  of  this  dissertation.  I  would  also  like   to  thank  Angelica  Reyes  Fraga,  Renée  Ferguson,  Suzette  Colliard  and  Tanya  Ferguson  –  our   conversations  continue  to  open  my  political  imaginary  and  give  me  faith  that  another   world  is  indeed  possible.  Finally,  my  deep  gratitude  to  my  family  for  all  their  love  and   support:  my  parents  Carmen  and  Dieter  Richter,  my  brother  Christian,  Oma  Richter,  Tante   Edith,  grandpa  Harold  C.  Nance  and  Tania.     V An  earlier  version  of  chapter  four  appeared  as  “Beyond  the  Erotics  of  Orientalism.   Lawfare,   torture   and   the   racial-­‐sexual   grammars   of   legitimate   suffering”   in   Security   Dialogue,  45:1,  February,  2014,  pp.  43-­‐62.  Parts  of  chapter  five  appeared  first  as  “Empire,   Desire  and  Violence:  A  Queer  Transnational  Feminist  Reading  of  the  Prisoner  ‘Abuse’  in   Abu  Ghraib  and  the  Question  of  ‘Gender  Equality’”  in  International  Feminist  Journal  of   Politics,  9:1  March,  2007,  pp.  38-­‐59.           VI TABLE  OF  CONTENTS   ABSTRACT  ...............................................................................................................................................  II   ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  .........................................................................................................................  IV   TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  ............................................................................................................................  VII   INTRODUCTION  ......................................................................................................................................  1   GOVERNING  THROUGH  FREEDOM  ......................................................................................................................  11   BEYOND  ORIENTALISM:  TALKING  SECURITY,  MAKING  RACE  ......................................................................................  13   SEX,  (NATIONAL)  LOVE  AND  FAMILY  ...................................................................................................................  15   RACE,  VIOLENCE,  BELONGING  AND  THE  LAW  ........................................................................................................  17   THEORETICAL  APPROACH  AND  METHODS  OF  STUDY  ...............................................................................................  19   OVERVIEW  OF  THE  DISSERTATION  ......................................................................................................................  27   CHAPTER  1:  LIBERAL  SECURITY  AND  THE  GOVERNANCE  OF  LIFE  AND  DEATH  IN  THE  U.S.  WAR  ON   TERROR  .................................................................................................................................................  31   BEYOND  SOVEREIGNTY  OR  CUTTING  OFF  THE  KING’S  HEAD  ......................................................................................  31   THE  RISE  OF  BIOPOLITICS  AND  THE  ARTS  OF  GOVERNMENT  ......................................................................................  32   BEYOND  PRACTICES  OF  FREEDOM.  ON  THE  DARK  UNDERBELLY  OF  LIBERAL  SECURITY  .....................................................  43   SEX,  BIOPOWER  AND  THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  WHITENESS:  WHAT’S  QUEER  ABOUT  SECURITY  STUDIES  NOW?  ........................  54   CHAPTER  2:  THE  RAW  MATERIALS  OF  SETTLER  IMPERIAL  FORMATION:  RACE,  SEX  AND  ENSLAVEABILITY   FROM  THE  GEOPOLITICS  OF  INDIGENOUS  SOVEREIGNTY  TO  THE  BIOPOLITICS  OF  SETTLER   COLONIALISM  .......................................................................................................................................  63   SETTLER  COLONIALITY  AND  INDIANISM  ................................................................................................................  65   Settler  revolt  and  Independence  ...........................................................................................................  65    The  Erotics  of  Conquest:  Biopolitics  are  Geopolitics  ............................................................................  70    CHATTEL  SLAVERY  AND  RACIAL  BLACKNESS  ..........................................................................................................  75   Blackness  as  enslaveability  ...................................................................................................................  75   Racial  capitalism  and  the  rise  of  the  prison  system.  From  Jim  Crowe  to  Progressivism  .......................  85   Overseas  expansion  ..............................................................................................................................  97   CONCLUSION  ...............................................................................................................................................  101   CHAPTER  3:  BEYOND  THE  SEXED  COLOUR  LINE?  LIBERAL  WAR  AND  THE  IMGINARY  GEOGRAPHIES  OF   INDIAN  COUNTRY  IN  AN  AGE  OF  THE  MUSLIM/IFIED  TARGET  .............................................................  105   THE  POLITICS  OF  PREEMPTION  AND  GLOBAL  RACE  WAR  ........................................................................................  108   SAVE-­‐CIVILIZATION-­‐ITSELF  FANTASY:  “THE  EVERYWHERE  WAR”  .............................................................................  115   Global  society  must  be  defended  ........................................................................................................  115   Securing  the  homeland.  Ethical  subjects  and  self-­‐government  ..........................................................  120   Securing  the  liberal  project  of  security:  governance  through  be-­‐longing  ...........................................  131    GOVERNING  THROUGH  EQUALITY:  EMBEDDED  LIBERALISM  AND  THE  “RACIAL  BREAK”  ................................................  134   PACIFYING  INDIAN  COUNTRY,  PACIFYING  THE  GLOBAL  FRONTIER:  U.S.  NATIONAL  SECURITY  MAKING  IN  THE  WAR  ON  TERROR   OR  “WILD  WEST  IN  THE  WILD  EAST”  .................................................................................................................  138   “Wilder  than  the  Wild  West”:  Fear  and  envy  in  Muslim/ified  Indian  country  ....................................  139   Virtuous  war  in  Indian  country  ...........................................................................................................  155   CONCLUSION  ...............................................................................................................................................  160     VII CHAPTER  4:  THE  BIOPOLITICS  OF  RACIAL  LAWFARE.  CARCERAL  LANDSCAPES,  TORTURE  AND  THE   RACIAL-­‐SEXUAL  GRAMMARS  OF  LEGITIMATE  SUFFERING  ...................................................................  162   THE  MYTH  OF  THE  INSTRUMENTAL  USE  OF  TORTURE  ............................................................................................  166   LEGALIZING  TORTURE:  ALL  ROADS  LEAD  TO  ABU  GHRAIB,  NONE  TO  ROME  ................................................................  172   BEYOND  LEGAL  SUBJUGATION?  TORTURE  MEMOS,  BLACKNESS  AND  SOVEREIGNTY  .....................................................  182   EROTICS  OF  RACISM  AND  THE  BIOPOLITICS  OF  TORTURE  ........................................................................................  188   CONCLUSION  ...............................................................................................................................................  199   CHAPTER  5:  BEYOND  EQUALITY?  WOMEN  TORTURERS,  LIBERAL  WAR  AND  BELONGING  .....................  201   ABU  GHRAIB,  TORTURE  AND  THE  IRAQ  WAR  .......................................................................................................  206   SAVE-­‐CIVILIZATION-­‐ITSELF  FANTASY  .................................................................................................................  209   MILITARIZED  MASCULINITY  AND  THE  EROTICS  OF  CONQUEST  .................................................................................  213   NARRATIVE  E(RACE)SURES  .............................................................................................................................  221   CONCLUSION  ...............................................................................................................................................  240   CHAPTER  6:  GAY  PATRIOT  ACTS.  QUEER  INVESTMENTS  IN  LIBERAL  WAR  AND  SECURITY  .....................  244   NEOLIBERAL  GOVERNANCE,  ETHICAL  SUBJECTS  AND  AFFECTIVE  ECONOMIES  OF  LIBERAL  WAR  .......................................  248   WAR,  SEX  AND  MARRIAGE  ..............................................................................................................................  250   GAY  PATRIOT  ACTS.  (NATIONAL)  LOVE,  VIOLENCE  AND  BELONGING  .........................................................................  256   CONCLUSION  ...............................................................................................................................................  283   CONCLUSION  ......................................................................................................................................  287   BIBLIOGRAPHY  ....................................................................................................................................  296           VIII INTRODUCTION   “The  affirmation  of  the  desire  for  freedom  is  so  inhabited  by  the  forgetting  of  its  conditions  of   possibility,  that  every  narrative  articulation  of  freedom  is  haunted  by  its  burial,  by  the   violence  of  forgetting”  (Lisa  Lowe;  as  cited  in  Eng,  2007,  p.  38).     Less  than  three  months  before  the  historic  repeal  of  the  Defense  of  Marriage  Act  (DOMA)   removing  the  federal  ban  on  same-­‐sex  marriage,  iconic  Realist  International  Relations  (IR)   scholar  Stephen  Walt  published  an  article  in  Foreign  Policy  entitled  “Why  gay  marriage  is   good  for  US  foreign  policy”  (2013).  Walt,  an  otherwise  staunch  defender  of  Neorealism’s   narrow  conceptualization  of  security  studies  as  "the  study  of  the  threat,  use,  and  control  of   military  force”  (1991,  p.  212;  emphasis  in  original),  argues  that  Americans  opposed  to  or   reluctant  to  back  gay  marriage  “on  the  simple  grounds  of  fairness  …  [should]  consider   supporting  it  on  the  basis  of  national  security  instead”  (Walt,  2013,  para.  10).  As  will  be   explored   in   this   dissertation,   rather   than   the   lone   plea   of   a   “closeted”   liberal,   Walt’s   intervention  is  part  of  the  post-­‐9/11  ascendancy  of  a  complex  and  seemingly  contradictory   U.S.  national  security  imaginary  that  casts  sexual  and  gender  equality  as  hallmarks  of   Western  modernity  and  hence  critical  battlefields  in  the  war  against  the  threat  of  Islamic   terrorism.       This   seemingly   progressive   shift   in   the   national   imaginary   stands   in   stark   contradiction  to  the  patriarchal  and  heteronormative  grammar  of  the  usual  “War  Story”   (Cooke,  1996).  Typically  when  nations  feel  under  attack  from  an  outside  threat,  women's   bodies  and  sexual  freedom  are  among  the  first  casualties  (cf.  Alarcon  &  Moallem,  1999;   Enloe,  2000;  Yuval-­‐Davis,  1997).  In  the  effort  to  secure  the  “motherland,”  the  national   1 imaginary  relegates  ciswomen1  to  their  “traditional”  roles  as  mothers  and  nurturers  while   cismen  are  cast  and  eroticized  as  heterosexual,  manly  protectors  of  ciswomen  and  children   (cf.  Cooke,  1996;  Elshtain,  1983;  Enloe,  1993).  In  this  heteropatriarchal  rescue  narrative,   queers  -­‐  tied  to  the  “discursive  realm  of  the  public  toilet  and  the  asylum”  (Haritaworn,   2008a,  p.  7)  -­‐  are  commonly  cast  as  security  risks  (cf.  Corber,  1996,  1997;  Dean,  2001;   D’Emilio,  1983;  Johnson,  2009;  Terry,  1999).     Within  days  of  the  attacks  of  September  11,  2001,  U.S.  official  policy  discourses  and   popular   cultural   productions   articulated   such   a   heteropatriarchal   rescue   fantasy.   The   hegemonic  security  discourse  on  defending  the  American  home  and  family  from  Islamic   terrorism   cloaked   the   nation   in   familial   language,   casting   the   state   and   its   branches   responsible  for  intelligence,  military,  law  enforcement  and  fire  rescue  as  manly  father   figures  that  are  there  to  rescue  feminized  “women  and  children”  from  the  external  racial-­‐ sexual  threat,  and  with  the  onset  of  the  U.S.  attack  on  Afghanistan,  portrayed  Afghan   women  in  need  of  rescue  from  “their”  menfolk  (cf.  Abu-­‐Lughod,  2002;  Ahmad,  2002;   Bacchetta  et  al.,  2002;  Bhattacharya,  2008;  Brittain,  2007;  Faludi,  2007;  Hawthorne  &   Winter,  2002;  Hunt  &  Rygiel,  2007;  Nayak,  2006;  Shepherd,  2006;  Young,  2003;  Zine,   2007).  Concurrent  to  the  War  on  Terror,  the  Bush  administration  launched  a  “war  on   1  Cisgendered  or  non-­‐trans*  indicates  that  someone’s  assigned  gender  at  birth  matches  the  gender   they  personally  identify  with  under  the  hegemonic  (not  only)  American  sex-­‐gender  imaginary.  The   use  of  “cis”  and  “non-­‐trans*”  seeks  to  draw  attention  to  the  unmarked  gender  norm  against  which   trans*  people  are  identified  under  this  binary  sex-­‐gender  imaginary.  The  asterisk  indicates  that   trans*   is   an   umbrella   term   that   seeks   to   include   the   wide   range   of   non-­‐cisgendered   gender   expressions,   including   non-­‐binary   and   Two-­‐Spirit.   Two-­‐Spirit   is   a   recently   developed,   English   language  term  used  by  some  indigenous  people  whose  self-­‐identified  gender  expression  is  gender   variant  (Driskill,  2010,  pp.  72-­‐73).  This  study  for  the  most  part  did  not  have  access  to  people’s  self-­‐ identifications  and  so  my  use  of  cisgendered  and  non-­‐trans*  for  the  most  part  is  limited  to  rendering   visible  the  unmarked  gender  norms  underwriting  the  operations  of  the  hegemonic  U.S.  national   security  imaginary.     2

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