Beyond Social Capital: The Role of Leadership, Trust and Government Policy in Northern Ireland's Victim Support Groups PDF
Preview Beyond Social Capital: The Role of Leadership, Trust and Government Policy in Northern Ireland's Victim Support Groups
PALGRAVE STUDIES IN COMPROMISE AFTER CONFLICT BEYOND SOCIAL CAPITAL THE ROLE OF LEADERSHIP, TRUST AND GOVERNMENT POLICY IN NORTHERN IRELAND’S VICTIM SUPPORT GROUPS LAURA K. GRAHAM Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Confl ict This series aims to bring together in one series scholars from around the world who are researching the dynamics of post-confl ict transformation in societies emerging from communal confl ict and collective violence. The series welcomes studies of particular transitional societies emerging from confl ict, comparative work that is cross-national, and theoretical and con- ceptual contributions that focus on some of the key processes in post-con- fl ict transformation. The series is purposely interdisciplinary and addresses the range of issues involved in compromise, reconciliation and societal healing. It focuses on interpersonal and institutional questions, and the connections between them. More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/14641 Laura K. G raham Beyond Social Capital The Role of Leadership, Trust and Government Policy in Northern Ireland’s Victim Support Groups Laura K. Graham Peace and Justice Studies Program Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts, USA Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Confl ict ISBN 978-1-137-51866-8 ISBN 978-1-137-51867-5 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9781137518675 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016934693 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2 016 The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identifi ed as the author(s) of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Design and Patents Act 1988. This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub- lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd. London I dedicate this book to my husband, Ricky, who has been a stalwart supporter of my goals in writing this book. He is a brilliant scholar, supportive husband, and great friend. I NTRODUCTION The essence of social capital theory is that civil society develops virtu- ous circles of social trust, cooperation, tolerance, and active citizenship, among other norms, through the work of voluntary associations. Civic groups develop, accumulate, and exchange social capital as a resource that is constantly reproduced through everyday interactions and civic engage- ment in the social sphere. Countries with strong, vibrant civil societies are said to be rich in social capital and its virtuous outcomes. Sometimes, however, a robust civil society may not lead to a virtuous circle of social capital, but may reproduce social cleavages, intolerance, and confl ict when the third sector is divided along the lines of identity. In deeply divided societies, voluntary associations may not produce virtuous circles at all, but rather vicious circles of distrust, sectarianism, and intolerance. To that end, Northern Ireland is a prime example of a dense civil society divided along the lines of religious identity, offering an insightful glimpse into how social capital operates in deeply divided societies. My purpose for this book is twofold: to consider whether to move beyond social capital theory as an inadequate tool for explaining levels of trust and interactions between people and groups living in deeply divided societies; and to intro- duce readers to the Northern Irish case study as an example of how social capital functions in societies divided by social cleavages. With that in mind, I will briefl y outline the focus of this book. In 1998, Northern Ireland entered a transformative period after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA). As the two c ommunities of vii viii INTRODUCTION Northern Ireland1 agreed to a fragile peace settlement, they also acknowl- edged the necessity of dealing with the legacy of the past. A salient part of the peace process centered around addressing the needs of victims. Government policy aimed to address the needs of victims by pouring funding into civil society groups, whose purpose was to provide social sup- port and self-help to victims of the Troubles. This outpouring of statutory and charitable grants contributed to the development of the victim sector and to the proliferation of victim support groups. By 2005, it was esti- mated that there were at least 60 active victim support groups in Northern Ireland (Lundy and McGovern 2005:11–13), and the most recent reports by the Victims and Survivors Service (VSS 2015) revealed that 70 groups received funding from 2013 to 2015. This book will explore how victim support groups have contributed to the development of social capital and the extent to which trust, leadership, and government policy affect whether victim groups bond or bridge. By examin- ing the social capital of victim support groups in Northern Ireland, I will demonstrate the ways in which social capital theory has failed to account for the relationship between social capital and confl ict. I contend that social capi- tal is experienced differently in deeply divided societies than it is in cohesive societies. As such, I argue that social capital theory must be reconceptualized in order to account for the factors that affect social capital development where social cleavages are prevalent. Before embarking on this journey beyond the traditional understanding of social capital theory, I will fi rst explain why another book on social capital is necessary and outline the focus of this book. WHY SOCIAL CAPITAL? Social capital theory is a tremendously popular and much debated concept in the social sciences. Its popularity owes to its simplicity and heuristic value for explaining myriad social phenomena. While there are numerous critiques of social capital theory, as I shall reveal in Chap. 2, the concept has also received a great deal of praise for its contribution to understand- ing the multiple and varied roles of civil society. Where the concept has been less useful is in explaining how social capital is created, maintained, 1 “Two communities” is a colloquial description of the two predominant identity groups in Northern Ireland: Protestant/Unionist/Loyalist and Catholic/Nationalist/Republican. Throughout this book, I refer to the two communities as Protestants and Catholics, though I recognize that identity is much more complex than these two categories. INTRODUCTION ix and exchanged in deeply divided societies. Although signifi cant contribu- tions to understanding how social capital can mitigate confl ict have been advanced by Ashutosh Varshney (2002) and others, the scholarly litera- ture devoted to explaining how social capital is operationalized during and post-confl ict is notably limited. I aim to address this gap in scholarship by advancing new ways of thinking about social capital in deeply divided societies. Specifi cally, in Chap. 2, I will put forth a reconceptualization of the traditional bonding-bridging distinction and then provide evidence from the Northern Ireland case study in Chaps. 3–5, which demonstrates the usefulness of this advancement. Before moving forward, however, it is necessary to defi ne some key terms. For now, I will employ Robert Putnam’s (2007:137) “lean and mean” defi nition of social capital: “social networks and the associated norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness.” In Chap. 2, I will elaborate on the defi nitions of social capital advanced by Pierre Bourdieu, James Coleman, and Robert Putnam in their seminal studies on the concept. Additionally, bonding and bridging forms of social capital are defi ned accordingly: bonding social capital occurs among homogeneous individu- als and groups, is exclusive, and inward looking; bridging social capital occurs among heterogeneous individuals and groups, is inclusive, and out- ward looking. I shall elaborate this distinction in greater detail in Chap. 2. WHY NORTHERN IRELAND? Northern Ireland presents a unique case study for the examination of social capital due to the following factors: (1) it is a post-confl ict, yet deeply divided society along the lines of religious identity; (2) vast amounts of funding have been invested in Northern Ireland’s public sector for single- identity2 (bonding) work and cross-community3 (bridging) work among 2 Single-identity refers to civil society organizations (CSOs) whose membership consists mainly or entirely of individuals that ascribe to a common religious or political identity, such as Protestants/Unionists/Loyalists or Catholic/Nationalists/Republicans. 3 Cross-community refers to CSOs whose membership consists of individuals from hetero- geneous backgrounds. Specifi cally, in the context of Northern Ireland, this has traditionally referred to groups consisting of individuals from both the Protestant/Unionist/Loyalist and Catholic/Nationalist/Republican backgrounds, though this context is changing as Northern Ireland becomes more ethnically diverse. Cross-community work may also refer to activities that involve single-identity groups from two different backgrounds—for example, Protestants and Catholics.
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