Ascetics and Ambassadors of Christ: The Monasteries of Palestine 314-631 (Oxford Early Christian Studies)

215 Pages·1996·1 MB·English

by  John Binns

Ascetics and Ambassadors of Christ

The Monasteries of Palestine 314-631
JOHN BINNS
CLARENDON PRESS OXFORD

Oxford University Press, Walton Street, Oxford ox2 6DP
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© John Binns 1994
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Ascetics and ambassadors of Christ : the monasteries of Palestine, 314-631 / John Binns.
Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Monasticism and religious orders--Palestine--History. 2. Monasticism and religious orders--Jordan--History.
3. Monasticism and religious orders--History--Early church, ca. 30-600. I. Title.
BR185.B56 1994 271′.0095694--dc20 93-48972
ISBN 0-19-826934-X
1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2
Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by Bookcraft (Bath) Ltd., Midsomer Norton, Somerset
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1
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Egypt, Palestine, and Syria were centres of church life during the Byzantine Empire. They were presided
over by Archbishops who attained Patriarchal status, at Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria. They each
contained a vigorous monastic life.
The monastic life of Egypt is well known. The succinct wisdom of the Apophthegmata Patrum and the
serene, ascetic Life of Antony have become widely read. And since the, work published by Peter Brown,
especially the "'Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity'", the way of life of the monks of
Syria has been carefully studied. In comparison, the monasteries of Jerusalem have been neglected.
This study is devoted to Palestinian monasticism. It has three parts. The first considers the main sources
for our knowledge of the monasteries, the Lives of the saints, especially the series of seven Lives by Cyril
of Scythopolis. The second part describes the environment in which the monasteries grew and which led
to their distinctive characteristics. The third explores the activities and the achievements of the monks
themselves. The whole provides a portrait of a society which was fully integrated into the life of the
Church and Empire, using the testimony of the men who participated in the events.
The title shows one of the distinctive features of these monasteries. The monks were people who withdrew
from the secular world of the city but also were conscious of belonging to it. This double vocation is
shown most clearly in the contrast between the two best-known monks, Euthymius, who consistently
sought the seclusion and silence of the desert, and Sabas, who, although a renowned ascetic, was involved
in the life of the Church in Jerusalem to the extent of travelling to the imperial capital on two occasions to
represent its interests. I have used the terms 'ascetic' and 'ambassador', with the qualification that this latter
task was undertaken for the sake of Christ, to refer to these two aspects of the vocation. It is a theme
which appears in several contexts; in the monks' awareness of history (Chapter 3), in the presence of
monks in both city and desert environments (Chapters 4, 5, and 6), in their involvement in doctrinal
dispute (Chapter 8), as well as in their approach to the monastic life (Chapter 7). A modern reader might
note
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2
CONTENTS

L ist of Maps viii
A bbreviations ix
I ntroduction 1
P ART 1. SOURCES 19
I ntroduction to Part I 21
1 . Cyril of Scythopolis 23
2 . The Other Sources 41
3 . Monastic Culture 56
P ART II. ENVIRONMENT 77
I ntroduction to Part II 79
4 . Jerusalem: Resurrection of a City 80
5 . This Desert 99
6 . The City of Scythopolis 121
P ART III. THEMES 149
I ntroduction to Part III 151
7 . Ascetics and Ambassadors of Christ 154
8 . Witnesses to Truth 183
9 . Fellow Workers with God 218
C onclusion 245
E xcursus 1. John of Scythopolis 247
E xcursus 2. Leontius of Byzantium 249
B ibliography 254
I ndex 271
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LIST OF MAPS

1 . Soil variation in the Palestinian desert 101
2 . Rainfall in the Palestinian desert 104

4 . The cities of Palestine 122
5 . The Roman roads of Palestine 124
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ABBREVIATIONS

ACO Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum
An. Boll. Analecta Bollandiana
Annales esc. Annales, économies, sociétés, civilisations
Apoph. Patr. Apophthegmata Patrum
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
Bess. Bessarione
BIHBR Bulletin de linstitut historique belge de Rome
3
BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
By. Z. Byzantinische Zeitschrift
Byz. Byzantion
CCL Corpus Christianorum, serie Latina
Chron. Chronicle
CS Cistercian Studies ( Kalamazoo, Michigan)
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium
CSCO.S Scriptores Syrii
CSCO.Ib. Scriptores Iberii
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
E. Or. Echos d'Orient
ET English translation
FT French translation
GCS Die griechischen Schriftsteller der ersten drei jahrhunderte
GOTR Greek Orthodox Theological Review
GRBS Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies
HE Historia Ecclesiastica (Ecclesiastical History)
H. Laus. Historia Lausiaca (Lausiac History)
H. Rel Theodoret, Historia Religiosa (Religious History)
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae
Irén. Irénikon
Itin. Aeth. Itinerarium Aetheriae (Egeria's Travels)
JRS Journal of Roman Studies
J. Th. S. Journal of Theological Studies
Kyrillos E. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skythopolis
LCL Loeb Classical Library ( London)
J. D. Mansi (ed.), Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima
Mansi
collectio
Mart. P Eusebius of Caesarea, Martyrs of Palestine
B. Flusin, Miracle et Histoire dans I'wuvre de Cyrille de
MH
Scythopolis
MO A. J. Festugière, Les Moines d'Orient
MSR Mélanges de science religieuse
MUSJ Mélanges de l'Université Saint Joseph
NAWG Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen
OLZ Orientalische Literaturzeitung
Or. Chr. A. Orientalia Christiana Analecta
Or. Chr. P Orientalia Christiana Periodica
Ovadiah A. Ovadiah, A Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy
4
Land (followed by either no. to indicate the number of the
site, or p. to indicate the page in the summary and conclu-
sions)
PEFQ St. Palestine Exploration Quarterly
PG Patrologiae cursus completus, Serie Graeca
PL Patrologiae cursus completus, Serie Latina
PO Patrologia Orientalis
POC Proche Orient Chrétien
Prat. John Moschus, Pratum Spirituale (Spiritual Meadow)
PTS Patristische Texte und Studien
QDAP Quarterlyfor the Department of antiquities in Palestine
RAM Revue d'Ascétique et Mystique
RB Revue Biblique
RE Byz. Revue des études Byzantines
REJ Revue des études juives
RHE Revue d'histoire écclésiastique
RHR Revue de l'histoire des religions
ROC Revue de l'Orient chrétien
Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und für
RQ
Kirchengeschichte
SBFLA Studil biblici Fransciscani liber annuus
SC Sources Chrétiennes
SCH Studies in Church History
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
SHG Subsidia Hagiographica, Société des Bollandistes
St. Ans. Studia Anselmiana
TS (I) Terra Santa, pubblicazione mensile della custodia franscescana
Teste und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen
TU
Literatur
Vailhé S. Vailhé, 'Répertoire alphabétique des monastères de Pale- stine' (followed by sect. no.)
V. Anton. Athanasius, Vita Antonii (Life of Antony)
V. Char. Vita Charitonis (Life of Chariton)
Antony of Choziba, Vita Georgii Chozibitae (Life of George of
V. Geor. Choz.
Choziba)
V. Pach. Bo. Vita Pachomii (Bohairic Life of Pachomius)
V. Pach. G1 Vita Pachomii (First Greek Life of Pachomius)
V. Porph. Vita Porpyrii (Life of Porphyry)
V. Thds. Vita Theodosii (Life of Theodosius)
V. Thecl. Vita Theclae (Life of Thecla)
V. Thg. Vita Theognii (Life of Theognius)
ZKG Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte
5
Introduction: Ascetics and Ambassadors

DESERT AND EMPIRE

In the month of August in the year 377 a child was born to Paul and Dionysia, citizens of Melitene the
capital of Roman Armenia. He was given the name Euthymius, derived from the word εὐθυμία,
confidence. His parents selected this name because his conception, like that of the prophet Samuel, had
taken place in response to prayer and was accompanied by divine visions. The voice in the visions said
that the child 'will bear the name of confidence since at his birth he who grants him to you will give
confidence to his churches'. 1
Within a few months of the birth of this child the Arian Emperor Valens was killed at the Battle of
Adrianople in 378, and was succeeded by Theodosius I ( 379-95). 2 This event brought to an end a period
in which the church had suffered several vicissitudes. The Emperor Constantine had died in 337 and had
been succeeded by, first, Constantius II ( 337-61) who had encouraged Arianism; then by Julian ( 3613)
under whom paganism had undergone a short-lived but powerful revival; then by Valens ( 364-78),
another Arian. The new Emperor Theodosius was soon baptized, shared in the eucharistic life of the
Church, and sought to promote its welfare. Cyril of Scythopolis begins his literary output with this sigh of
relief at the arrival of the Christian Emperor.
The coincidence of these two events--the birth of a baby in Armenia and a battle in Thrace--is no chance
but is ordained by divine providence. At the start of his work, Cyril presents his fundamental conviction
that the ascetics of the tiny area of desert land to the east of Jerusalem are as essential to the welfare of
Christendom as the Emperor
____________________
1Kyrillos, 9. 7-9.
2Ibid. 9. 15-10. 4 .
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in Constantinople or the Patriarchs of the great urban centres. Both have a part to play in the evolution of a
unified, harmonious, orthodox Christian society. The Emperor fights the battles and promulgates pious
laws while the saint struggles against evil. Without either of these actors the divine drama would falter.
For the monks, the little world of the monastic community and the universal dimensions of the Christian
Empire interlock. They are aware of the potential impact on their lives of events which take place in the
far-off imperial capital which can favour heresies or depose patriarchs. But they are also convinced that
their work and witness sustains the Empire. The confused history of the fifth and sixth centuries is more
than the backdrop to the actions of the monks on the narrow stage of the Judaean desert. It was a part of
their life and demanded their concern. The history of the monasteries of Jerusalem and the history of the
Church and Empire proceed together.
THE COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON

In early November two anxious men hurried from the capital to a small monastic community a few miles
cast of Jerusalem. Although Stephen and John were both bishops they were also monks and disciples of
6
Euthymius, the abbot of a monastery a few miles east of Jerusalem. They had left the church of St
Euphemia at Chalcedon, just across the water from Constantinople, where with over 350 other bishops--
'almost all the bishops in the world' as Cyril slightly inaccurately claims--they had subscribed to the
famous and controversial Definition. Earlier in the Council they had followed their archbishop Juvenal
when he had made his dramatic change of sides, rising from his seat near to Dioscorus the Alexandrian
patriarch and crossing over to sit on the other side of the church with the Antiochenes and the
Constantinopolitans. 3 In the company of the rest of the bishops they had scrutinized the Tome of Leo and
acclaimed, 'This we all believe. Peter has spoken through Leo; thus Cyril taught; Leo and Cyril teach the
same.' 4 But they were also aware that the language of the Tome, and of the Definition of Chalcedon,
____________________
3For the change of sides by Juvenal, see ACO 2. 1. 1, p. 115; and for the number of bishops at
Chalcedon, rather less in fact than the traditional number of 600, see M. Goeman , "'Chalkedon als
Allgemeines Konzil'", in Das Konzil von Chalkedon, ed. A. Grilimeier and H. Bacht ( Würzburg,
1951), 251-89, 261.
4ACO 2. 1. 1, p. 81. Cf ACO 2. 1. 2, pp. 82-3, 102-3.
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of which they carried a copy, was unfamiliar to members of the eastern churches and might not seem so
convincing in the different atmosphere of the monastery. They remembered that only two years previously
Bishop Auxolaus of the Encampments, John's predecessor, had been strongly censured by Euthymius for
his behaviour at the 449 Council of Ephesus, and had died in disgrace soon afterwards. The announcement
of the news of the Council's decisions to their community was a task which filled them with apprehension.
5
Their anxiety was justified. Although Euthymius accepted the Definition as orthodox, the majority of the
Church at Jerusalem did not. The words used to define the existence of the divine and the human in Christ
led on this occasion to disagreement, conflict, violence, and death. This explosive potential of
Christological discussion had overshadowed the history of the Church, and consequently the Empire, for
the previous two decades and would continue to absorb the energies of emperor and episcopate for
centuries to come. The sense that issues central to the faith and to eternal life are being discussed; the
uncertainty, confusion, and hesitation over how to conduct the task of articulating them; and the speed
with which these two emotions could break into open battle-these are presented in this incident of the two
bishops and lie behind the history of this period.
Amidst the multiplicity of expression and experience which contributed to the Christian Church, two
alternative approaches to Christology had emerged and engaged with each other. 6 The first was associated
with Alexandria, and its Patriarch Cyril, who presided over the Church for thirty-two years, from 412-44,
and from whose pen a mass of letters, sermons, and biblical commentary proceeded. It begins from the
standpoint of the creed of Nicaea which defines belief concerning the second person of the Trinity in
almost historical terms, beginning with pre-existence and consubstantiality with the Father, continuing
through the stages of the Incarnation, and leading to glorification and final judgement. The continuity of
experience of the second person of the Trinity who is the subject of the experiences of the life of Christ is
the essential fact which lies behind the salvation of the world and which has to be maintained.
____________________
5Kyrillos, 41. 10-23.
7
6For summaries of the Alexandrian and Antiochene traditions of Christology, see A. Grillmeier , Christ
in Christian Tradition ( London, 1965), i. 414-520; J. Meyendorff, Christ in Eastern Christian Thought
( New York, 1975), 13-28; R. V. Sellers, The Council of Chalcedon ( London, 1961), 132-81.
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The second approach was associated with the theological traditions of Antioch and was presented with
clarity and a certain lack of sensitivity to popular piety by Nestorius, who was Patriarch of Constantinople
for three years from 428 to 431. It was based on exegesis of the scriptures, especially the Gospel
narratives with their blend of the sayings and actions of Christ, some of which describe human
weaknesses--such as anger, hunger, ignorance, fear, pain, and death--and some of which describe divine
power--such as healings, authoritative teaching, and the triumph of the Resurrection. Allied to this was a
philosophical awareness that the categories of the divine and the human are necessarily distinct and cannot
be blended into a single reality, as it was feared that Arius had done. It was--for them--of central
importance to maintain the duality of Christ's natures. This approach could be combined fruitfully with
western theology which, although using a different language and an alternative, more forensic view of
salvation, was able to describe the duality and the unity of the experience of Christ in a confident and
convincing fashion.
These two views had clashed twice at Ephesus, once in 431, when Nestorius was condemned, and more
violently in 449. This Council, branded the 'Robber Council', or Latrocinium, by Pope Leo, had been
dominated by Dioscorus of Alexandria, and had rehabilitated the notorious Eutyches; deposed the
Patriarchs Flavian of Constantinople (who subsequently died of the injuries he received at the Council)
and Domnus of Antioch, another disciple of Euthymius; and ignored the views of Pope Leo by refusing to
read his Letter, or 'Tome', to Flavian. The result was 'a sort of Alexandrian dictatorship over the entire
east', and action was demanded by Leo of Rome and the new Patriarch of Constantinople, Anatolius. 7 It
left an impossible situation, and the new Emperor Marcian, an elderly Thracian senator who had found
himself chosen as consort by the powerful Empress Pulcheria, sister of the former Emperor Theodosius II
who had died in 450, summoned the bishops to Constantinople to resolve it. They finally met at
Chalcedon, across the water from Constantinople, and held fifteen sessions from 8 October to 10
November 451.
The events at Chalcedon have often been described. 8 The Council was presided over by eighteen lay
imperial commissioners, with personal intervention from the Emperor himself at the controversial sixth
session
____________________
7J. Meyendorff, Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions ( New York, 1989), 167.
8For one account of the events of the Council, see Sellers, Council of Chalcedon, 103-29.
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at which the Definition was signed. These ensured formal procedure, orderly conduct, fair decisions, and
also pressure to adopt a new definition of faith, which most of the delegates, committed to the
maintenance of Nicaea, were reluctant to do.
The bishops gathered at Chalcedon were as successful as they could have been in the highly charged and
controversial atmosphere left by previous councils. They affirmed that the Tome of Leo was in accordance
8
with the teaching of Cyril of Alexandria, and 454 of them signed a Definition of Faith setting out an
understanding of the person of Christ. The ability of the Council to formulate a definition shows that the
fundamental unity of faith could be discerned and affirmed when the conditions were favourable. But the
potential for division was a constant factor. At two points, especially, this disharmony was shown, and the
sources of subsequent conflict were revealed.
The first came in the fifth session when a group of the bishops considered a statement of belief, probably
composed by Anatolius of Constantinople. This contained the statement that Christ was a union 'of two
natures', a phrase which, the lay presidents decided, would require the approval of the Pope himself. In
order to avoid lengthy delay, another was produced in its place which stated that Christ's being was known
'in two natures'. Had the bishops been strenuous in their support for the traditional eastern formula of
'from two natures' later anxieties over the language of Chalcedon might have been allayed.
The second, and more ominous, sign of trouble to come was the refusal of monks led by Barsaumas to
anathematize Dioscorus or even Eutyches. So here, in the atmosphere of Chalcedon with imperial
encouragement in the direction of unity, the monks gave warning that they had no intention of
compromising. This determination was the root from which would emerge the strain of Christian faith
which, later, would resolutely refuse to compromise and would resist the efforts of successive emperors to
bring unity either through patronage or persecution.
However, for the moment the imperial aim of a doctrinal consensus shared by Constantinople and Rome
was achieved, and the bishops returned home uneasy but united. Opposition in Palestine and Egypt was
overcome. In Palestine, the monks were mostly unconvinced by the explanation offered by Stephen, John,
and others and elected a rival Patriarch, Theodosius, who opposed the Council and presided until 453
when Juvenal was restored by imperial troops. In Egypt, Marcian's authority ensured that Dioscorus'
successor was the compliant Proterius, -5- who accepted Chalcedon and was, as a result, unpopular with
many Egyptians. 9
But the Emperor Marcian died on 26 January 457: on 16 March Timothy Aelurus, that is 'the Weasel'--a
nickname given to him because he was thin--was consecrated Patriarch of Alexandria: on 28 March the
Chalcedonian Proterius was killed by the mob in his baptistery. 10 The new Emperor, Leo I, was, like
Marcian, a Thracian officer. He decided to discover the feelings of the east before responding to this
prompt exhibition of Egyptian public feeling. In late 457 he canvassed the opinions of all the eastern
bishops, and some of the leading monks, over whether Timothy's consecration was valid and Chalcedon
legitimate. The responses showed overwhelming support for Chalcedon and rejection of Timothy. So in
458 imperial troops moved into Egypt, ejected Timothy and installed another Timothy whose Greek
surname, Salofaciol, is variously translated as 'White Turban' or 'Wobble Cap'. Ten thousand Egyptians
lost their lives in the operation. So, for the quarter-century after Chalcedon, a blend of respectful handling
of the bishops and the ruthless exercise of force enabled the emperors to maintain the unity of the Church
in the east and the acceptance of Chalcedon.
THE FORGETTING OF CHALCEDON

In the year 516 the largest known gathering of monks in the city of Jerusalem took place. The occasion
was the election of a new Patriarch, John. The word went round the desert that, as the price of his election,
he had promised the imperial authorities that he would enter into communion with Severus, the
Monophysite Patriarch of Antioch, and would anathematize the Council of Chalcedon. This was to take
9
place at the Basilica of St Stephen, the largest church in Jerusalem, which had been built to the north of
the city by the Empress Eudokia to house the relics of the first martyr.
A huge multitude gathered. There was the nephew of the Emperor, Hypatius; the dux Anastasius; the
consul Zacharias. There were citizens of Jerusalem waiting to see which side the new Patriarch would
support. Then there were monks. According to Cyril who claims to have checked
____________________
10For Timothy's nickname being 'Weasel' rather than the widely held 'Cat', see R. Y Ebied and L. R.
Wickham, "'Timothy Aelurus, Against the Definition of the Council of Chalcedon'", in After
Chalcedon ( Louvain, 1985), 115-66, 115.
9W. H. C. Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement ( Cambridge, 1972), 148-56.
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the figures with eyewitnesses, 10,000 came together from the Holy City and the monasteries in the
surrounding countryside. The imperial authorities waited for the Emperor's wishes to be carried out and
for Chalcedon to be anathematized. The new Patriarch ascended the ambo with the two monastic leaders,
Sabas and Theodosius, on either side. But then the proceedings started to diverge from the imperial plans.
The crowd began to shout out again and again. 'Anathematize the heretics and confirm the council.' When
the shouting died down the three rejected a list of heretics including all who did not accept the Council of
Chalcedon. And Theodosius added for good measure. 'If anyone does not accept the four councils like the
four gospels, let him be anathema!' In some surprise and confusion the dux Anastasius quickly left for the
safer haven of Caesarea and the Emperor's nephew wisely opened his purse and gave generous presents to
the Church of the Resurrection and the monasteries of the region. 11
Even though the gathering led to the affirming of Chalcedon, the circumstances in which it took place
were very different from those which prevailed at the death of the Emperor Leo forty-one years earlier. It
happened in reaction to the policy of the emperors between Leo and Justin I, which was based on the view
that the best way to solve the offence caused to many easterners by the Council of Chalcedon was to
ignore it.
After Leo died, his brother-in-law Basiliscus and son-in-law Zeno both claimed the throne. In order to
gain general support through the east, Basiliscus issued an Encyclical stating that the things transacted at
Chalcedon were a novelty and that nobody should advance this faith. Nicaea was sufficient. But as a result
of protest from Rome and Constantinople he changed his mind and quickly issued the AntiEncyclical,
contradicting the Encyclical. But, with the exception of Acacius, Patriarch of Constantinople, all the
bishops of the east, who fifteen years earlier had affirmed Chalcedon at the request of Leo, subscribed to
the first document, the Encyclical. Everybody was in agreement that Nicaea had affirmed the orthodox
faith, but Chalcedon was of value only in so far as it confirmed the decisions of Nicaea. This 'optional'
character of Chalcedon--in the minds of most of the easterners--suggested an alternative strategy in the
pursuit of church unity. This was to forget that Chalcedon ever happened and go back to
____________________
11Kyrillos, 151. 7-152. 15.
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10