Armenia and the Crusades Tenth to Twelth Centuries - The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa

196 Pages·1993·21.18 MB·English

by  Ara Edmond Dostourian

I
The Chronicle
of
Matthew of Edessa
Translated from the Original Annenian
with a Commentary and Introduction by
Ara Edmond Dostourian
Foreword by
Krikor H. Maksoudian
National Association for Armenian Studies
and Research
ARMENIAN HERITAGE SERIES
University Press of America
Lanham· New York . London
Copyright © 1993 by the
National Association for
Armenian Studies and Research
University Press of America~ Inc.
4720 Boston Wny
Lanlmm, Murylund 20706
3 Henrietta Street
London WC2E 8LU Englund
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America Dedication
British Cataloging in Publication Information Available
Copublished by arrangement with the To my mother Zepure (nee Panikian) of Bardizag
National Association for Armeninn Studies and Research
(Constantinople!Istanbul), who nurtured me in the
culture of my forebears and in the proper use of the
Armenian language;
Library of Congress Cataloging-In-Publication Dntu
Mntthew. of Edessa, 12th cent. To my father Levon of Yaraisar-Shghni (SepasdiaJ
[Putmowt' iwn. English]
Sivas), who inculcated in me a love for and devotion to
Armenia and the Cl1Isades : tenth to twelfth centuries : the Chronicle
of Matthew of Edessa I translated from the originul Armenian with a the native soil of my ancestral homeland;
commentm-y and introduction by Am Edmond Dostourian ; foreword
by Krikor H. Maksoudian.
To Mary (Mariam) Merjian (nee Ashjian), a loyal
p. cm. - (Armenian heritage series)
daughter of Edessa (UrhalUrfa), who inspired me in
By Matthew of Edessu. continued by Grigor Erets'.
Includes bibliographical references and index. the writing of this tome.
1. Armenia-History-Turkie Mongol domination. 1045-1592.
2. Armenia-History-Bugratuni dynasty. 885-1045. 3. Islamic
Empire-History-750-1258. I. Dostouriun. Aru Edmnnd.
II. Grifor. Erets', 12th cent. III. Title. IV. Series.
DS186.M3713 1993 956.6'2013-dc20 92-39679 eIP
ISBN 0-8191-8953-7 (cloth: alk. puper)
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of
§TM
American National Standard for Infonnation Sciences-Permanence
of Paper for Printed Library Materiuls. ANSI Z39.48-1984.
...
Table of Contents
Foreword by Krikor H. Maksoudian ix
Preface xi
Acknowledgments xv
Introduction 1
Text, Part I 19
Text, Part II 83
Text, Part III 181
Text, Continuation 241
Notes, Part I 283
Notes, Part II 307
Notes, Part III 335
Notes, Continuation 351
Glossary 361
Maps:
Historic Armenia During the Medieval Period 363
Cilicia, Syria, and Palestine, 10-12th Centuries 364
Select Bibliography 365
Index 367
I
I
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Foreword
The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa and that of his continuator,
Gregory the Priest, are indispensable sources on the period from the
mid-tenth to the mid-twelfth centuries. The renowned Seljuk
specialist Claude Cahen puts Matthew in the same class with
Michael the Syrian and Anna Comnena, calling him an "illustrious
writer" of Christian faith: The Chronicle serves as a primary source
not only for Armenian, but also for Byzantine, Crusader, Syriac, and
Islamic history, including otherwise unknown facts and documents.
Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, western scholars
have frequently cited Matthew's work, using partial French transla
tions of excerpts by Chahan de Cirbied (1811 and 1812) and particu
larly by E. Dulaurier (1850). In 1858 Dulaurier published the entire
text, but left out certain sections. The works of both of these authors
appeared before the editio princeps (Jerusalem, 1869), which was
based on two manuscripts, and the complete edition of Vagharshapat
(Etchmiadzin, 1898), based on five manuscripts and the readings of
the Jerusalem text.
After more than thirteen decades, the French translation, long out
of print and out of date, remains the only translation available to the
western reader. The scholarly works that appeared in the past one
hundred and thirty years and the important advances in Byzantine,
Armenian, Crusader, Syriac, and Islamic studies make the notes of
Dulaurier's work obsolete. The accuracy of the translation also leaves
much to be desired.
The need for a new translation of Matthew's Chronicle was felt for
a long time, and Dostourian has come forward to fill that gap. Unlike
Dulaurier, he has used the Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin) text, which
contains much better readings, and has refrained from leaving out
any sections. Moreover, being a native speaker of Armenian and a
former seminarian, he has a much better command of Matthew's
language, which is the classical idiom mixed with words and
·Claude Cahen, "Historiography of the Seljuqid Period," Historians of
the Middle East, Bernard Lewis and P. M. Holt, eds. (London, 1962),78.
x MATTHEW OF EDESSA
expressions characteristic of the twelfth century spoken Armenian.
Dostourian also had the good fortune of having at his disposal
linguistic works on Middle Armenian, the vernacular in Matthew's
time, and the scholarship of the past century and a half.
The scholar of Armenian, Byzantine, or Middle Eastern history
Preface
may expect more copious notes on Matthew's Chronicle than what
Dostourian has provided. He has restricted his comments mostly to
explain the text to the western reader with no background in
The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa is considered by scholars to
Armenian, Byzantine, or Middle Eastern history. An attempt other
be a primary source of major importance for the history of the Near
than that would have meant a voluminous work, which would have
East during the period of the early Crusades (tenth to twelfth cen
taken several decades to complete. Thus, the value of the present
turies). The present work is the first translation of the Chronicle
volume lies particularly in the translation of the Chronicle.
from the original Classical Annenian into English. Three other
translations have been published: French, Turkish, and Modern
Very Rev. Dr. Krikor H. Maksoudian
Armenian. Only the present work and the Modern Armenian
translation are based on the most complete and accurate text avail
able. Therefore, this English translation of the Chronicle should be
of great benefit to those scholars working in the field of medieval
Near Eastern history who are not familiar with the original language.
Zohrab Information Center
The number of extant manuscripts of Matthew's chronicle is not
Diocese of the Armenian Church
large. Moreover several of these manuscripts are incomplete. The
New York, New York
oldest surviving manuscripts date from the late sixteenth/early
seventeenth centuries, while the most recent were copied in the
September 1991
nineteenth century. A number of libraries in the world have manu
scripts of the Armenian historian's work, either complete or fragmen
tary: The Matenadaran (Manuscript Library) located in the Republic
of Armenia the library of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem,
the Bibliotheque N ationale of Paris, the library of the Mekhitarist
Fathers of Venice, the library of the Mekhitarist Fathers of Vienna,
the Armenian Hostel in Rome, the Bodleian Library at Oxford, and
the British Museum in London.
The first published text of Matthew's chronicle was the Fr~nch
edition prepared by E. Dulaurier (Matthew of Edessa, Chromque,
Paris, 1858). This edition, based on the three manuscripts found in
the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, contains several gaps (see, for
example, Part I, section 48, note 4; Part II, section 54, not~ 2;
Continuation, section 7, note 3), which were due no doubt to defiCIen
cies in the available manuscripts. The French historian appended an
introduction and copious notes to the translation.
The first published text of Matthew's chronicle in its original
Armenian language appeared in Jerusalem in 1869 (~atthew of
Edessa, Patmut'iwn [History), Jerusalem, 1869). The edItor (whose
PREFACE xiii
xii MATTHEW OF EDESSA
The present translation has been prepared with two audiences in
name is not given) states in the preface that the two manuscripts on
mind: those scholars in the field who need to rely on a straightfor
which he based the text are full of inaccuracies, and therefore he had
ward and accurate translation of Matthew's chronicle and the general
to rely on the Dulaurier text in several cases. This edition is inaccu
public interested in the narrative as well as the history of the period,
rate in some passages and contains many gaps. The only other
The translation does not pretend to be based on a definitive critical
published text of the Chronicle in the original Armenian was issued
text, as no such text exists; however, the text used is the most
in Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin), Armenia, in 1898 (Matthew of
accurate and complete available. Great care has been taken to give
Edessa, Zhamanakagrut'iwn [ChronicleJ, edited by M. Melik-Adamian
a clear and precise rendering into English without losing the flavor
and N. Ter-Mik'ayelian). This text is based on six manuscripts found
of the Chronicle's original language and style.
in the library of the Holy See at Etchmiadzin (since incorporated into
the Matenadaran in Armenia). According to the editors, the best
manuscript was chosen as the basis for the text while variant
readings from the others were incorporated in the 'footnotes. The
Jerusalem text was examined, and its variants and differences were
cited in the footnotes.
At the present time there are two translations of Matthew's
chronicle in addition to Dulaurier's. A Turkish translation by H. D.
Andreasyan (Vekaye Ndmesi [952-1136J ve Papaz Grigor'un Zeyli
[1136-1162J, Ankara, 1962) is based wholly on that of Dulaurier and
inclu~es D~lau~er's notes along with some additional notes by the
TurkIsh hIstorIan M. H. Yinanch. A translation into Modern
Armenian has been prepared by H, Bart'ikyan (Matthew of Edessa
Zham~nakagrut'iwn, Yerevan, 1973) and is based on the Etchmiadzi~
text CIted abo:~. This A~enian scholar has taken great pains to
render the ongmal text mto polished Modern Eastern Armenian.
Moreover he has prepared an extensive introduction together with
notes and co~menta~. Understandably this translation is oriented
to an ArmenIan-speakmg audience,
The ~tchmiadzin text published in 1898 has been used in the
prepa~atlOn of ~he present translation. Armenian terms have been
translIterated mto English according to the L'b f C
t Of' rary ongress
1 0
sys e~. . the varIants which have been incorporated into the
Etchmladzm text, only those which appreciably alter the meaning of
a p;ssage have been noted in the footnotes. The introduction notes
an comment~~ have been prepared for the educated layman.' rathe;
~ha~/he spec:;.hst and are designed to elucidate various parts of the
t~X geograp IC place ,na~es, historical personages, etc.), as well as
t~ompare the Chromcle s narrative of events to those provided by
~Oit:~ Ct~~d::!~~l ~:!~~~n:h:~~~:~:;c~~~~ t~~t~e:~:~llt
is
e er un erstandmg both of the cont or a
historical context in which it was Written~nts of the text and the
I
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Acknowledgements
The present work would not have been possible without the help
and inspiration of a number of people. It was my mentor and
advisor, Professor Peter Charanis of Rutgers University, who
proposed the idea of my translating Matthew of Edessa's chronicle as
a dissertation topic for a doctorate in Byzantine history. From the
inception of the work in the fall of 1962 to my completion of the
degree in 1972, Professor Charanis patiently encouraged and gently
prodded me, for which I am ever grateful. I only regret that he did
not live long enough to see the publication he initiated and so
inspired. Professor Ernest McDonnell, also of Rutgers University,
made some helpful comments and suggestions on the final form of the
dissertation.
I am indebted to Professor Isidore Twersky of Harvard Univer
sity, through whom I obtained a teaching and research associateship
at Harvard for the year 1968-1969, which enabled me to write the
major portion of my dissertation. Professor Robert Thomson, Mesrob
Mashtots Professor of Annenian Studies at Harvard, gave me
invaluable assistance in my translation work. I am. also indebted to
Professor Thomson for his helpful comments and suggestions on the
introduction, commentary, and notes.
The Board Chairman of the National Association for Annenian
Studies and Research (NAASR) , Manoog S. Young, as well as the
Board of Directors, graciously consented to take on the responsibility
of publishing this work, for which I am very appreciative. I have
special thanks for Dr. Barbara J. Merguerian, NAASR's Director of
Information and Publications, who painstakingly edited, prepared,
and proofread the manuscript and made many helpful suggestions.
I would like to express my gratitute to Professor Hagop Nersoyan
of the University of Dayton and to the Very Reverend Dr. Krikor H.
Maksoudian of the Diocese of the Armenian Church for their very
helpful comments and suggestions. Lastly, my thanks to Janice
Chase of Carrollton, Georgia, for typing the final manuscript.
Ara Edmond Dostourian
J
.r
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• 'f
Introduction
Very little is known about the life of Matthew of Edessa except for
the meager information contained in his chronicle. The dates of his
birth and death cannot be ascertained, although it is doubtful that
the Armenian chronicler lived beyond the year 1136, when his work
ends. The Armenian historian M. Ch'amich' suggests that Matthew
died in the siege of Edessa by the Turkish ruler Zengi in 1144 but
gives no basis for this assertion. Most probably Matthew spent the
latter days of his life in Kesoun and was in that town when the
Danishmendid ruler Amr-Ghazl laid siege to it in 1136. Matthew's
native city was Edessa. According to his own testimony he was a
l
monk, and he probably resided in one of the monasteries in the
vicinity of the city. He was a priest of lower rank and not a vardapet
(doctor). However, as can be discerned by his writing, he was
energetic and dedicated in the task which he undertook, the compila
tion of his chronicle.2 Like most of his contemporaries, Matthew
perceived reality through religious eyes-that is, he believed that all
events occur through the foreknowledge and intervention of God.
The Chronicle, by its very nature, lacks homogeneity. The first
part, describing the events of the years 952 to 1051 A.D., is based on
the sources of others; the second, 1051 to 1101, on eyewitnesses living
in Matthew's time; and the third, 1101 to 1136, on Matthew's own
observations along with those of some others. A certain Gregory the
Priest continued the chronicle to the year 1162. According to the
lMatthew might have been the superior of a monastery rather than an
ordinary monk. The Armenian text uses vanakan and vanats' erets', which
could mean "monk," or "monk of a monastery," or "superior of a monastery."
2See Part II, section 1; Part III, sections 1, 2,3.
)
2 MATTHEW OF EDESSA INTRODUCTION 3
speculations of the French historian E. Dulaurier, Gregory was a of the Turks in Armenia (Part I, section 47), the account of the sack
pupil of Matthew and probably had some influence with the residents of the opulent city of Artsn (Part I, section 92), the narration of the
and commander of Kesoun, the town in which he lived. fall of Ani to the Seljuks (Part II, section 22), and the description of
Matthew wrote his chronicle at the turn of the twelfth century, a the death of a Georgian warrior at the hands of an Armenian hero
turbulent period in the history of the Near East. The once powerful (Part I, section 10). Another element in Matthew's chronicle which
'Abbasld empire had pretty much disintegrated. Arab and Turkish needs to be mentioned here is the folk epic, one of the traditional
dynasties parceled out and ruled areas which were once part of a genres of classical Armenian literature. Two very good examples of
united Muslim empire. The Seljuk Turks were firmly ensconced in the Armenian chronicler's use of this genre are the accounts of the
Persia and Iraq and were steadily encroaching upon the Anatolian battle of Khach'ik and his sons with the Muslims (Part I, section 82)
possessions of the Byzantine empire. The Latin West was beginning and the conflict between T'ornik and Philaretus (Part II, sections 60
to take a keen interest in the Near East and had already gained a and 61).
foothold in the Levant by bringing under its control a narrow strip of In analyzing Matthew's basic philosophy, there is a tendency to
the territory on the eastern littoral of the Mediterranean. The oversimplify the Armenian chronicler's viewpoints and attitudes.
Armenians, who very recently had been in the process of establishing Indeed some scholars have characterized Matthew as simple-minded,
a number of independent states in eastern Anatolia, had been intensely nationalistic, deeply suspicious, and hateful of foreigners,
thwarted by Seljuk invasions and Byzantine intrigue and therefore
as well as superstitious and credulous. There can be no doubt that
had begun to shift their activities to upper Mesopotamia and Cilicia.
some of these attitudes can be found in his work. However, Matthew
Georgia was in the process of gaining a prominent position in
is too complex an individual to be presented in such oversimplified
Caucasian affairs through the efforts of a new dynamic dynasty.
terms. His motives for writing the Chronicle are simple and clear:
Matthew's chronicle deals with the interplay of these various forces'
to provide instruction concerning the manner of God's intervention in
it opens with the Byzantine empire's resurgence in the mid-tenth
history, either to punish humans for their wickedness or to reward
century, goes on to describe the Seljuk advance in the eleventh and
them for their righteousness. To use the author's own words:
ends with the arrival of the Latin Crusaders in the late eleventh and
early twelfth centuries. In the process the struggle of the Armenians It is because of all this that I, Matthew of Edessa, a monk,
spared no efforts and left this work as a record for those who
to maintain their independence is narrated, as well as the interplay
enjoy studying chronicles so that, when they begin to inquire into
of these Oriental Christians with the Byzantines Arabs Turks
past events, they may be able more easily to learn about the
Syrians, Latins, and Georgians. ' "
times and the epochs. These persons shall also learn about the
In dealing with Matthew as a histOrian, one should discuss not
terrible misfortunes which occurred in those times and, once
only his handling of sources and approach to historical writing but again bringing these things to mind, shall remember the divine
also the. Armenian chronicler's language and style, weltanschadung, wrath which we received from God the righteous judge as a
and attitude towards other peoples. As a medieval chronicler of penalty for our sins. Because of these many calamities-namely
average sophistication, Matthew lacks a distinctive style. Rather, the destruction of the Christians and the reprimands which our
both as to grammar and vocabulary, he writes in the language of the Lord God brought upon us by means of an infidel nation-we did
not wish that such threats and warnings of God be forgotten by
people. There is a significant chasm between his style and that of
us. Now it is essential to heed the admonition of our God
clas~ica~ ~enia~ a';1thors. Matthew's writing takes on a dynamic
ceaselessly and at all times. (Part II, section 1).
qUalIty Its descnptlOn of events and people. His prose is weighted
In
with .the figurative language so common to Near Easterners. The Writing within the prophetic framework of the Old Testament,
flouns~ does not, however, diminish its power. Moreover the Matthew warns his readers throughout his work that destruction
Chromcle abounds in vivid descriptions of events which Matthew came upon Israel when her people strayed from the path of righteous
con~iders significant and which he wishes to impress upon the minds ness. Numerous examples are given of divine wrath falling upon the
of hIS readers; examples are the presentation of the first appearance Christians because of their recalcitrance: God punished the Chris
tians because of their sins, using the Turks as an instrument of his
)
5
4 MATTHEW OF EDESSA INTRODUCTION
wrath (Part II, section 49); a famine is brought upon the people of and cultural tradition as do the aforementioned writers, it must not
Edessa because they sinfully killed their leader T'oros (Part II, be forgotten that these individuals came from t~e more cosm?politan
section 130); God punishes the Greeks because of their treachery background of universal states encompassmg many dl~ferent
against the Franks (Part III, section 5). Although a theological nationalities and cultural traditions, in contrast to peoples like the
motive permeates the work, Matthew strives to present historical Armenians and Syrians who had to battle against overwhelming odds
events as accurately as possible.3 in order to keep their respective traditions intact.
Like most medieval chroniclers Matthew is steeped in religious Thus Matthew is no more or no less partisan than many of his
thinking which is sometimes noncritical. In this respect he is no contemp~raries. In fact in many instances the Armenian chronicler
different from the contemporary Byzantine, Syrian, or Latin chron puts aside his partisanship and portrays individuals in a fair and
iclers. In keeping with the medieval world view, Matthew interprets accurate manner, to the point of praising and eulogizing his enemies.
all natural phenomena either as omens of impending danger or as Matthew condemns his own people when, in his opinion, they have
miracles showing the glory and might of God. Examples of this acted in a criminal fashion. He is quick to judge the actions of the
religious orientation can be seen in the description of the failure of famous people of his time: the Byzantine emperor Tzimisces is
the lamps in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher to burn due to condemned for the means he used to obtain the imperial throne, as
heretical thinking on the part of the Byzantine Christians (Part I, well as for some aspects of his personal life (Part I, sections 8 and
section 43); the miracle of the blocking of a river by the Armenian 18)' an Armenian nobleman, Sargis, is denounced because of his
catholicos Peter (Part I, section 50); the incident of the preservation perfidiousness towards his own people and because ?e instilled, in the
of the Syriac Gospels after having been cast into a fire many times Byzantine emperor, Constantine Monomachus, the Idea of forcmg, the
(Part II, section 2); the "red snow" which brings famine and death in king of Ani, Gagik, to give up the Armenian throne (Part I, sectIOns
its wake (Fart II, section 10); the incident in which lightening strikes 74 and 84)' the Byzantine general Philaretus is condemned as a
the fortress of Vahka, presaging the death of the Armenian prince betrayer of his own people and as a superficial Christ.ian ~ecause ?e
Constantine (Part II, section 128); and the appearance of a comet took control of Edessa and killed a number of Armemans In the CIty
foretelling that a great ruler will reign over a vast empire (Part III, (Part II, sections 60 and 77); the Armenians of Edessa are severely
section 32). criticized for killing their commander T'oros, who was of the Byzan
Matthew has been styled as a super patriot, a passionate tine Orthodox faith rather than a communicant of the Armenian
adherent of the Armenian church, and a denouncer of all things church (Part II, section 118). It is interesting to note that the
foreign, whether pertaining to an alien religious tradition or an alien individuals in each of the above illustrations, except for Sargis, have
cultural background. This view of Matthew does not bear up under also been praised by the Armenian chronicler when the occasion has
close scrutiny. In the first place, to call him a super patriot or arisen: Tzimisces is eulogized for his good relations with the
chauvinist is to attribute to him a nineteenth century concept of Armenians and for his attempts to capture Jerusalem on behalf of the
nationalism which was foreign to the Middle Ages. Instead of Christians (Part I, sections 17 ff.); Philaretus is giv~n credit for
allegiance to a state, peoples' loyalties were based on an attachment avenging the killing of the Armenian commander of Antioch (Part II,
to a local area or to a religious community. It cannot be denied that section 66).
Matthew has strong feelings for the cultural and religious heritage Matthew has been portrayed as a passionate adherent of the
to which he belongs, but the same can be said of most of the writers Armenian church who despised the other Christian traditions,
and thinkers of the time. Can anyone deny that Bar Hebraeus, especially the Byzantine. The fact is that he has a clear understand
Michael the Syrian, Anna Comnena, Michael Psellus, and William of ing of Christian unity and brotherhood. Wh~le he vo~ce.s deep c,oncern
Tyre are partisan writers? And while a number of the Byzantine and for the sufferings and afflictions of Armeman ChnstIans, thIS does
Arab historians do not evince as intense a feeling for their religious not prevent him from sympathizing with the plight of the other
Eastern Christians (Greeks, Syrians, and Georgians) as well as the
3See Part III, section 3.