Archaeological traces of the indo-european migration in neolithic Eurasia: regional aspects of the Corded Ware Culture

22 Pages·0.441 MB·English

by  Sannikov S.

Проблемы изучения и сохранения языков и культур народов мира 133
ARCHAEOLOGICAL TRACES OF THE INDO-EUROPEAN
MIGRATION IN NEOLITHIC EURASIA:
REGIONAL ASPECTS OF THE CORDED WARE CULTURE

© Sannikov S.
City executive board of Novosibirsk

The last years of the 20th century have been marked by the growing interest
towards the Indo-European problem (Prescott & Wahlderhaug 1995; Bågenholm
1999; Welinder 2003) and the issues of prehistoric migrations (Damm 1991;
Larsson 1998; Persson 1999). One of the most debatable aspects of the problem
remains the emergence and spreading of the Corded Ware Culture1, which has been
the crucial point of the IE discussion since late 19th century, when Sophus Müller
supposed the intrusive character of Scandinavian Corded Ware (Muller 1897).
During the Neolithic Age the territory of Eurasia has been marked by exten-
sive cultural interaction, with one of the most active agents represented by the
Corded Ware Culture (CWC). Distinctive similarities of the earliest Corded Ware
artefacts were taken as a basis of the concept of pan-European A-Horizon of the
CWC (Sulimirski 1933, Glob 1945, Struve 1955, Buhvaldek 1967), which was
interpreted, depending on the presumable intrusive character of different regional
branches of the CWC, as a result of migration. However, the problem of archaeo-
logical tracking of the migration component in the development of the CWC it-
self has been explicitly raised relatively late, in 1952 (Brøndsted 1952; see: Niel-
sen 1997b), and remains debatable even until the present time. There has not yet
been developed any convincing model of the distribution of the Corded Ware
culture either in expansion or in diffusion way (Kristiansen 1989; Ebbesen 1997).
As it has already been stated in the research literature, the process of either justi-
fication or falsification of the so-called horizon A (pan-European) of the CWC is
closely connected with the studies in regional perspective (Kosko 1997). Howev-
er, there might be noticed exactly the lack of comparative regional studies, which
would consider local specifics of the CWC in its correlation with general cultural
processes. It is possible to formulate the following research questions:
1. Formulation of the tentative model of the European A-horizon.
Within the paradigm of A-Horizon might be revealed several research mod-
els, which explain the relation of cultures, comprised by the Corded Ware tradi-
tion. Struve K. proposed a division of the Corded Ware culture into two groups,

 Head of foreign affairs department, PhD. in History.
1 Latest contributions: (Kristiansen 1989; Becker 1990; Damm 1991; Prescott & Wahlderhaug 1995;
Ebbesen 1997; Sörensen 1997; Bågenholm 1995, 1999). The thesis of Johannes Brøndsted, who
suggested the interpretation of the Battle Axe or Corded Ware Culture as the most probable can-
didate for archaeological traces of migrations of Indo-European tribes in Europe around the third
millennia B.C. (Brøndsted 1952), remains relevant even until the present time.
134 ЯЗЫК И КУЛЬТУРА
one characterized by burials furnished only with beakers and amphorae (Struve
1955). U.Fischer proposed a division into Hercynian, Balto-Rhenish, and Pontic
Steppe groups (Fischer 1958). L.Klejn makes his division in terms of the Ampho-
rae cultures of south central Europe, the Beaker complexes of northern Europe,
and the steppe cultures of Eastern Europe except for the Pit-Grave and Catacomb
cultures of the Russian steppe (Klejn 1969). The concept of the A-horizon is
widely debated in research literature (e.g. Sørensen 1997, Behrens 1997, Ebbesen
1997), depending on the absence of unity of three components of different
branches of the CWC: typology of the artefacts – anthropological background –
economy / social environment. Since the phenomenon of the so-called A-Horizon
has been discovered from the typological studies of the artefacts, it would be rea-
sonable to start from the consideration of this aspect of the problem.
In study of the Corded Ware artefacts two following aspects are generally
emphasized: 1) Typological dissimilarity between regional branches of the CWC
(Malmer 1962: 678, 805; Malmer 1975: 115); 2) Typological continuity within
local Neolithic cultural complexes and traditions (Behrens 1997: 21; Becker
1990; see also: Еberg 1912). The solution of the problem should probably be in
the methodological field. In most cases the critics of the A-horizon concept ap-
peal to the antiquated conceptions of the A-Horizon, based on the presumption of
pure cultural transmission over vast territories. However, as it has been argued by
I.Rose, we should not expect to be able to trace population movements in terms
of single cultural complexes (Rose 1986: 10). As a people migrates from area to
area, it will encounter different natural and cultural conditions and will modify its
complex accordingly. In regard of the CWC it has been noticed by K.Kristiansen,
that “we cannot expect a priory to find a unified material culture between areas of
supposed origin and areas of final settlement” (Kristiansen 1989: 219).
There might be suggested a new approach towards understanding of the A-
Horizon phenomenon, which would consider the typological varieties within
common CWC tradition not as an argument versus the migration theory (though a
number of researchers tend to oppose the idea of migration to the idea of com-
plexity of the CWC; e.g. Sørensen 1997: 229), but as an essential component of
the latter. As it has been noticed by the researchers, a greater criticism is required
in the evaluation of the classical taxonomic assumptions of the Central European
prehistory, based on the typological principle (Kosko 1997: 133). It is reasonable
to note that the typological method should be used with a great caution in regard
of issues of cultural transition and succession, since from the typological investi-
gations are known such cases, when, for instance, patterns of decoration and form
of particular kind of artefacts (vessels) were far richer than can be captured by a
simple set of types, and when form and decoration of beakers did not correspond
to a set of types at all even within a certain restricted territory (Boast 1998: 400).
As an alternative criterion it would be reasonable to suggest the technological
factor. Comparative case study of tentative material categories as cultural markers
has shown that ceramic manufacture (non-decorative steps) has highest rates of
Проблемы изучения и сохранения языков и культур народов мира 135
significance together with food way preferences and domestic architecture layout
and spatial organization (Clark 2001). Manufacturing process associated with
basic utilitarian items can vary among traditional societies because technological
knowledge is passed from one generation to the next within localized contexts.
Technological style is an especially powerful methodological tool in assessing
migration because it identifies the cultural background of the artifact manufactur-
er, circumventing the need to interpret symbols or decode stylistic messages in-
tentionally conveyed in more conspicuous media (Clark 2001: 66).
Typological evolution might be regarded as an evidence of the process of cul-
tural interaction. The typological method might be successfully applied to the
analysis of finds, having mixed cultural features (e.g. Estonian Corded Ware pot-
tery with protruding rim border, Lubana Lake amphoras, decorated with oval pits,
or “barbarian” animal-style decorated Boat Axes from Finland) in order to esti-
mate the measure of particular cultural influences in the development of the exact
types of artefacts.
Construction of regional matrixes of finds, related to the presumable A-
Horizon should be regarded as one of the most important aspects of actual con-
sideration of the problem. These matrixes should comprise the following compo-
nents: precise quantity and distribution of finds, typologically related to the A-
Horizon; particular cultural influences, presented in the materials of finds; tech-
nological characteristics of the finds with uncertain cultural traits; chronological
correlation of finds; anthropological background of the considered cultural
groups; ideological and economical entity of the revealed complexes.
2. Chronological correlation of particular Corded Ware branches.
C14 investigations have changed the view of the absolute chronology of the
Neolithic cultures. As it has been noticed by Aleksander Kosko, more extensive
account of C14 datings restricts considerable the significance of taxonomic as-
sumptions, brining new, weighty research postulates (Kosko 1997: 133). As an
example of recent debate regarding the C14-dating of CWC, might be taken ar-
guments of G.Bågenholm, who supposed relatively late origin of Baltic STR
(Battle Axe) culture in comparison with Finnish and Western European Corded
Ware, depending on the uncalibrated datings from Scandinavia and Eastern Eu-
rope (Bеgenholm 1999: 220-221). Arguing against the conception of “Kurganiza-
tion”, formulated by Maria Gimbutas, G.Bеgenholm states: “the language of arc-
haeology (verbalized/visualized by C14 datings) speaks against the Baltic states
and the countries beyond to the east as being the “urheimat” of the Swedish-
Norwegian Battle Axe and the Finnish Battle Axe cultures” (Bеgenholm 1999:
221). However, the investigations by Baltic researchers have clearly proved that
properly calibrated Latvian datings are considerably older than the Finnish ones
(see: Loze 1992; Kriiska 2001). Aivar Kriiska considered all of the four known
Corded Ware Culture dates from Finland, with the date of the first appearance
3200 / 3000 cal. BC. Latvia, however, has 11 14C dates of Corded Ware Culture,
with the oldest of these 3650-3360 cal. BC (with a 95.4% probability). The author
136 ЯЗЫК И КУЛЬТУРА
indicated a number of dates from the Ica and Abora I settlements, with the oldest
date going back to 3340-2910 cal. BC (with a 95.4% probability) (see: Kriiska
2001, e-abstract).
The present state of working out of the problem requires further application
of newly developed calibration curves to the obtained datings, and bringing them
into system in accordance with the chronological sequence. Application of differ-
ent curves has a considerable effect on the assessment of cultural chronology
(see: Sørensen 1997: 222), and therefore should be properly motivated on the
basis of specifics of regional cultural development.
3. Anthropological aspects of the presumable Corded Ware migration.
Dissimilarities within the anthropological material, attributed to Corded Ware
have been used as an argument against the concept of the A-Horizon as well (Eb-
besen 1997). Resent investigations have proved that any single anthropological
type might hardly be attributed to the Corded Ware substratum (see: Kristiansen
1989, P.216; Ebbesen 1997: 86). Studies by Schwidetzky (1978, 1980) and Menk
(1980) have shown that the Corded Ware complex is biologically heterogeneous
implying the substratum culture.
The biological effect of the “Kurgan” people is evident in the regions adja-
cent to the North Pontic area (Gimbutas 1997: 259). A study of the skeletal re-
mains of the Late Neolithic (Tisza and Lingyel) and Copper Age (Tiszapolgar,
Bodrogkereszatur and Baden) Carpathian Basin cultures has revealed that an im-
migration of new population of significant size occured in connection with the
Baden cultural developement (Nemeskeri & Szathmary 1987). The results of
analysis of morphological traits and body proportions showed differences in the
genetic structure between the groups of Corded Ware and Lingyel cultures
(Krenz-Niedbala 2004). Craniological analysis proved that the CWC anthropo-
logical type is sharply contrasted with the Pitted-Combed Ware type in the Baltic
area by its elongated cranium and the narrow, long face, strongly profiled in the
horizontal direction (Denisova 1980; Rimantiene & Cesnys 1996: 50; Loze 1996:
68). The physical anthropological data have proved the presence of central Euro-
peans (related to the CWC population in Poland) in central Russia in the upper
Volga and even the middle Volga basins (Schwidetzky 1978; Menck 1980; after:
Gimbutas 1997: 322).
Certain dissimilarities in the anthropological material of the early CWC (such
as e.g. between Eastern Baltic – Saxo-Thuringen; see: Loze 1996: 68) exist, how-
ever, without bringing discrepancy in the anthropological concept of the A-
horizon. Anthropological shifts might be noticed even within homogeneous cul-
tural communities of the East European CWC (e.g. between early and later CWC
populations of Eastern Baltic; see: Loze 1996: 68), what proves that the infiltra-
tion of new anthropological element took place as a phased extensive process,
which probably occurred through several waves of population movement.
4. Economic entity of the presumable CWC migration.
Проблемы изучения и сохранения языков и культур народов мира 137
Revealing of the economic entity of the presumable migration process re-
quires formulation of the basic economic model of the CWC society. As distinc-
tive features of the CWC economy were generally noticed in research literature:
reliance on stockbreeding, plough agriculture, transhumance, lack of permanent
villages, extensive flint, amber and salt exploitation, tool kit (Gimbutas 1997).
However, a number of these features are actually debated (e.g. lack of permanent
villages, reliance on stockbreeding: Malmer 2002), and should be reconsidered
with application of the data of recent investigations. The main economic features,
distinctive for the CWC, might be assigned to the following categories:
a) Expanding pastoral tradition: stockbreeding and transhumance.
Recent research projects confirmed that the later part of the Middle Neolithic
is a period of clear decline in trees and bushes in favour of an increasingly open
grazing landscape (Andersson 2004: 201), which corresponds a considerable pro-
duction shift in Southern Scandinavia during the transition from MNA to MNB
(Larsson 1998). According to the conclusion of the researchers, animal husbandry
may have been practised in a fashion, which corresponds more closely to true
nomadism, and the increasing transhumance in the late TRB met competition for
the grazing land, since the element of animal husbandry appears to have been
significant in the CWC (Larsson 1998: 450). The sheep rearing played a major
role for the CWC, being a significant difference from the TRB, whose most im-
portant domesticated animals are cattle and pigs (Malmer 2002: 150).
The continued expansion of animal husbandry and the need for open grazing
land in MNB gradually also reveals itself in the pollen diagrams indicating mea-
dow and pasture (Andersson 2004). Although the TRB culture had already trans-
formed the forest into pastures in some regions in Jutland, especially in eastern
Denmark, the SGC is characterized by a major clearance and burning horizon,
whose main purpose was the creation of heath land or pastures for large herds
(Kristiansen 1989). No agricultural indicators occur at this stage, and no house
structures have yet been identified. (Kristiansen 1989:213).
The finds of wooden wagon components in the periphery areas of the CWC
settled area (Switzerland, Baltic region etc.; see: Turek 1997) might probably be
linked to the nomadic model of the CWC economy. During the early stages of
exploration of new settlement areas wagons could have substituted permanent
dwellings, as it was in the case of some other historic societies. The find from
Slättaröds Mosse (Skеne) gives evidence that wagons and parts of wagons were
probably in the category of sacrificed objects in the Swedish Corded Ware Cul-
ture (Malmer 2002: 164). The find of wagon remains, together with a concave-
edged flint axe, belongs to the “same period as series of wagon wheels and shafts
from Denmark and North-Western Europe” (Malmer 2002: 163-164). In this re-
gard the Battle Axe society to a great extent reveals direct parallels to the Pontic-
Caspian region, where open four-wheeled cart and a covered two-wheeled steppe
wagon apparently served as hearses for noble burials (Gimbutas 1997: 81). The
materials of Novosvobodnaja and Novotitarovskaja cemeteries reveal 250 burials
138 ЯЗЫК И КУЛЬТУРА
containing the remains of carts, which were probably also given a sacred meaning
(Mallory&Telegin 1994; see: Kuzmina 2000).
Though the importance of the wheeled transport for the CWC economy
(Malmer 2002), as well as continuous quest for the grazing land of the CWC
(Larsson 1998; Andersson 2004), has been admitted by the researchers, there has
not been somehow explained neither expanding character of the CWC economy,
nor the general shift of the considered “agrarian” (Malmer 2002) society to
stock-breeding, practised in a way, close to genuine nomadism.
b) Infrastructure of the CWC settlements.
As it has been fairly noticed in research literature, “the absence or very li-
mited evidence for the CWC settlement sites is a fact which has to be seriously
analysed in the sense of explanation of the social and economic background”
(Turek 1997, P.236). Though some of the researchers have repeatedly stressed the
agrarian aspects of the CWC economy and resident character of the CWC settle-
ments (Malmer 1962, 2002), so far it is impossible to deny that the number of
existent early CWC settlements is completely incomparable with the one from the
TRB culture, what can not be any more referred to the lack of appropriate arc-
haeological excavations.
Domestic spatial organization is regarded as the most reliable indicator of
migration because it reflects culturally specific aspects of social organization and
cosmology (Clark 2001: 41). In this regard it should be mentioned that only in
exceptional cases the excavations of Battle Axe sites in southern Scandinavia
have given such results that it has been possible to discuss dwelling site organiza-
tion (Andersson 2004: 213). Houses seem to be wholly lacking in the archaeolog-
ical material from the early Battle Axe period in the investigation area. The exist-
ing traces of Battle Axe settlements are scarce, and “...the lack of distinct house
remains in southern Scandinavia in the early and middle Battle Axe culture is strik-
ing” (Andersson 2004: 241). The available evidence from dwelling sites conse-
quently indicates that people moved in fairly small groups of one of a few nuclear
families and that there were no big site where several households coexisted.
The more mobile way of life of the Corded Ware in comparison with the
TRB is also reflected in the way that settlement places were no longer clearly
marked (Andersson 2004: 214). In the CWC settlement sites the dwellings were
constructed above ground without digging below the surface strata (Turek 1997a:
235). The majority of artefacts remained either on the surface or in their settle-
ment layer near to the surface. Battle Axe sites seem to lack the pits of various
kinds that characterized many Funnel Beaker sites. Whether these pits were pri-
marily used for waste, storage, or votive activities, they mark a sense of belong-
ing to the place. For the people of the Battle Axe culture, “who only set up short-
term camps, identity was not linked to the site” (Andersson 2004: 214).
In the closing phase of the Battle Axe culture, however, the population seems
to shift to a more permanent settlement pattern (Andersson 2004: 221). In the
later stages houses are small and partly subterranean, occurring in small clusters
Проблемы изучения и сохранения языков и культур народов мира 139
of two or three. Some agriculture was practiced, however, although grain impres-
sions on pottery are much less frequent than in the TRB (Kristiansen 1989). Tran-
sition from the nomadic to way of life to sedate one (with increasing number of
settlements on the chronological scale) should be considered in context of a gen-
eral transition of Neolithic-Eneolithic societies of Eurasia to sedentary agricultur-
al and stockbreeding economy (see: Kuzmina 2000).
c) Agricultural tradition.
It has already been stated in research literature, that there could hardly be ex-
pected to reveal a pure nomadic type pastoralism in the northern European plain
or in central Russia (Gimbutas 1997: 322). It is reasonable to expect that the mi-
grants were no longer nomadic steppes pastoralists, but they had become mixed
farmers. The radical change in economy can be traced in regions where local in-
habitants previously were food gatherers, namely in the northern east Baltic area
and in central Russia. Here, the Corded Ware pottery people brought a mixed
farming economy with cattle and horse breeding pronounced throughout (Gimbu-
tas 1997: 322).
Although the finds dating from the Swedish-Norwegian CWC are compara-
tively sparse in terms of ecological facts, there is evidence of differences between
the forms of farming of the CWC and those of the TRB/Pitted Ware culture
(Larsson 1998: 444). The few grain impressions from Skеne show that the CWC
people mainly grew barley (Andersson 2004: 201). From the nine grain impres-
sions of the CWC attested from Skеne eight are from barley (Hordeum) and one
from wheat (Triticum) (Malmer 2002: 151).
Dissimilarity in environmental and economic background of different
branches of the Corded Ware, with the most remarkable example from Finnish
Corded Ware, the material culture of the society with hunter-gathering economy
(Edgren 1984; see also: Bеgenhom 1999, S.150-151), remains to be a controver-
sial matter. However, though so far there is nothing to indicate that the Corded
Ware culture in Finland practiced agriculture or had any domesticated animals but
the dog, it is probably “too early to state conclusively that no kind of farming
existed in Finland at this time” (Nielsen 1997: 171).
Intrusive character of Finnish CWC has been confirmed by the researches of
the 1960-s (Edren 1970), and its external origin does not remain to be a doubtful
issue. In this regard it is necessary to mention that the subsistence strategy of mi-
grants is a rather flexible marker, which may evolve or reduce considerably due
to the environmental challenges (Clark 2001). It might be also reasonable to sug-
gest an interpretation of Finnish CWC as an adaptive radiation process, which
might have been caused by internal oppression of certain groups within the con-
sidered cultural community.
d) Exploitation of natural sources: amber and flint.
In the Baltic region the Corded Ware brought a new material culture, exploit-
ing accessible places of flint sources, ensuring themselves with excellent series of
flint artifacts (including also thick-butted flint axes) (Loze 1997: 143). However,
140 ЯЗЫК И КУЛЬТУРА
good flint and its technology, controlled by the TRB, is not available to the SGC
in Jutland (Ebbesen 1986; see: Kristiansen 1989). During MN B there existed a
distributional, and probably, also a communicational barrier between the classic
SGC regions in middle and central Jutland and the rest of the country. There is
virtually no evidence of contact between the SGC and still existing TRB culture
groups in eastern Denmark (Ebbesen 1986). It has also been noticed that the flint
technology of the Swedish-Norwegian Corded Ware is considerably different
from the one of the TRB (Malmer 2002).
CWC people control accumulation places of amber in the beach of the Baltic
Sea, forming also completely new, unknown up to now in Latvia amber orna-
ments (Loze 1997: 143). Amber, controlled by the SGC disappears from the TRB
culture (Ebbesen 1986; see: Kristiansen 1989).
5) Ideological aspects of the cultural changes in the Neolithic Eurasia.
The aim of the last stage is to reveal general tendencies of cultural develop-
ment in the considered regions, and to explain them in terms of human ideas and
mentality. Main principles of such kind of investigations have been presented in
works of Ian Hodder (1989, 1993) and Christopher Tilley (1989, 1993). In this
regard, the emergence of new cultural medium should be considered from the
point of appearance of appropriate cultural symbols and ideological markers.
Burial customs are extremely conservative, and while the details may change
over time, the basic tenets remain the same (Jones-Bley 1997). It has been repeat-
edly noticed in research literature that the burial rite of the Single Grave Culture
does not have any local roots in Jutland (see: Kristiansen 1989). Unlike the col-
lective burial space which the passage graves probably constituted, the Battle Axe
graves were intended for one or just few individuals (Andersson 2004: 215).
Though the existence of flat-grave tradition in the TRB culture has been stressed
by the researchers (e.g. Malmer 2002), the whole conception of the single grave
with specific crouched position of the corpse should be regarded as a unique trait
of the Corded Ware/ Ochre Grave tradition, and might be associated with the idea
of resurrection (birth) to another life (Andersson 2004b, ed.), which is strikingly
different from the idea of belonging to a certain central place, typical for the TRB
culture. CWC graves have individual grave goods, which are generally lacking in
the TRB (Malmer 2002: 167-168).
The evidence for the Corded Ware burial rite may also be considered as a ref-
lection of social diversification between members of society, including children
(Turek 1997). The symbolic expression of the male and female phenomenon in
burial rites probably reflects different social roles for each sex within society. The
burial tradition of the CWC shows direct parallels to the burial rites of Jamna
culture (Häusler 1983), which might be considered as the most probable source
for the burial rite, encountered all over the territory of Northern Eurasia (see:
Kristiansen 1989).
Cardinal changes in the ideological sphere take place, with new cults appear-
ing, including that of grass snake, Sun, Moon, which are reflected in bone and
Проблемы изучения и сохранения языков и культур народов мира 141
antler sculpture, amber figures, as well as in specific types of ornaments made of
bone (Loze 1997: 144).

Methodology and Hypotheses

Prehistoric migrations as a cultural and geopolitical phenomenon were consi-
dered in research literature to a great extent (for the bibliographical survey, please,
refer to: Kristiansen 1989; Clark 2001; Van Gijseghem 2001), providing a substan-
tial methodological basis for further analytical investigations. In study of migration
four broad categories of research have been worked out (see: Clark 2001):
1. Detection of the migration in the archaeological record.
Demonstrating the migration should satisfy the reasonable criteria, formu-
lated by Irving Rouse (Rose 1958, 1986): a) Identify the migrating people as an
intrusive unit in the region they have penetrated; b) Trace this unit back to its
homeland; c) Determine that all occurrences of the unit are contemporaneous; d)
Establish the existence of favourable conditions for migration; e) Demonstrate
that some other hypothesis, such as independent invention or diffusion of traits,
does not better fit the facts of the situation. First stage of the identification should
focus the three following components, defined by Kristian Kristiensen (Kristian-
sen 1989): a) Intrusion of an alien group (resettling); b) Migratory route (connec-
tion); c) Mother culture (origin).
There exist several theoretical frameworks for archaeological identification
of migration (Clark 2001). Theory of “cultural drift”, advocated by Lewis Bin-
ford, might be applied to study of the A-horizon, where the distances between the
presumable territory of cultural origin and the territory of final residing could
cause considerable cultural drifts. This approach breaks down artefact variability
and correlates it with specific behaviours. Artefact variability might be attributed
either to it primary function, which is a use as an adaptive tool, and secondary
function, related to style and cultural tradition. Subtle variation in material culture
that inevitably developed between groups who were not in frequent contact is
signified as a “cultural drift”. The cultural drift, isolated from the random varia-
bility, might be therefore used to track the movements of specific groups (Binford
1963).
Theory of “isochrestic variatioin” (Sackett 1977), developed by James Sack-
ett within the framework of postprocessual school, might be applied to analysis of
assemblages of artefacts with mixed cultural features. The theory is based on the
abstract concept of style with tangible cultural behaviour, and the assumption that
there is often more than one feasible method to accomplish the same function,
which means that the choices made from the range of options can also be consi-
dered stylistic behaviour (Clark 2001).
Theory of “physical and contextual visibility” might be applied to analysis of
the complexes of artefacts, associated with the presumable migrant culture. The
theory is based on the strategy of isolation specific artefact attributes that reflect
enculturative background or “style without a message” (Carr 1995; see: Clark
142 ЯЗЫК И КУЛЬТУРА
2001). In terms of tracking migration, one has to track the attributes with low
contextual visibility, wherein the number of viewers, openness of viewing setting,
viewer attentiveness, and average viewing time are minimized. The tools, instal-
lations, utilitarian vessels, and waste associated with domestic life are potentially
rich in attributes that can be used to assess migration.
It is assumed to be most essential to consider the cultural entity of the Corded
Ware from the cases with uncertain cultural features, when transition of cultural
traits with low contextual visibility from the Corded Ware to the local cultures
might be regarded as a significant marker of migration process. The study there-
fore should focus the debatable encounters of the Corded Ware features from dif-
ferent local substrata. The changes of the material culture should be considered in
context of anthropological, economic, and ideological background of the process.
2. Motivation for movement.
Generally, motivations for migration can be assigned to “pushes” from cur-
rent settlement areas and “pulls” into target destinations, while push and pull fac-
tors include both environmental and social variables (Anthony 1990, Clark 2001).
Push factors for migration might be defined as (Kristiansen 1989): a) Displace-
ment by states/empires, b) Social conflict/tribal competition, c) Ecologi-
cal/economic pressure. It should also be mentioned that population density is not
the most significant push factor, especially in comparison with the factor of social
regulations, as it has been revealed by the recent researches (Anthony 1997).
Explanation of the population movement brings up the problems of adapta-
tion to the natural, cultural, and social environments (Rose 1986). If the migration
went in a particular direction in order to remain in the kind of environment to
which it was accustomed, it is reasonable to assume that it did so because it was
pre-adapted to conditions in the new area. If instead it expanded into different
kinds of environment, it will be confirming to the process known as adaptive
radiation (Simpson 1949; See: Rose 1986).
As a general tendency it is reasonable to assume that migrant people tends to
seek out the places in which it can maintain its distinctive settlement pattern and
can continue its previous subsistence strategy (Rose 1986). The probability that
migration will occur depends upon changes in the perceived attractiveness of the
destination place. As suggested by D.Anthony, the attractiveness of region for
pioneer agriculturalists (this example might be converted for the case of pastoral-
ists) might be represented by a term in which the numerator is a measure of arable
land (grazing land) at the destination place, while the denominator is a measure of
the density and hostility of the native population at the same region (Anthony
1997: 24).
In this regard it is necessary to take into consideration such factors as infor-
mation flows and transport costs. Migration, particularly long-distance one, is
channeled by access to information about a limited number of attractive routes
and destinations (Anthony 1997). At the same time, migration is more likely to
occur when transportation / travel costs are low. This aspect is directly connected