Arapaho VI: Noun

17 Pages·0.477 MB·English

by  Salzmann Z.

Arapaho VI: Noun
Author(s): Zdeněk Salzmann
Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Apr., 1965), pp. 136-151
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1263744
Accessed: 15/01/2009 12:52
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.
Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress.
Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the
scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that
promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
International Journal of American Linguistics.
http://www.jstor.org
ARAPAHO VI: NOUN*
ZDENNK SALZMANN
VERDE VALLEY SCHOOL
5.4. Plural of inanimate nouns shape the absolute form of their stems by
5.5. Vocative forms the addition of -([C]V)n before morpheme
6.6. Dependency 221. According to the phonemic shape of the
5.7. Possession increment, five sets are attested in my
6.8. Locative forms material-a through e.
6.9. Diminutive and other forms Set a-with stem increment of -n. This
6.10. Morphemic variations set has a large membership of noun stems,
6.11. Survey of minor morphemes associated a large majority of which are terminated
with noun stems vocalically. The two noun stems in my ma-
6.12. Glossary of stems terial that are terminated in a consonant
each have an alternant plural form, ap-
5.4.1. Inanimate nouns in Arapaho regu- parently in free variation. Examples are:
larly distinguish between singular and be66?i?66 cheek, beEVi?66no (15, N, 221 /
plural forms. The absolute form of an inani- b-e66?i?66n-o); se?ixtoo foot, se?ixtoon6
mate noun is the uninflected singular form. (N, 221 / se?ixtoon-6); b6fie?66 head (hair),
According to the formal marking of the b6iOe?66no( 15, N, 221 / b-60e?66n-o); b6tii
plural (morpheme 221), the class of inani- mouth, b6tiin6 (15, N, 221 / b-6tiin-6); and
mate nouns may be divided into two sub- b6it6o throat, b6it6on6 (15, N, 221 /b-
classes, each of which subdivides further. 6it6on-6); also--66 year or winter, 666no
Following the procedure established in 5.3, (N, 221 / 666n-o) c 666inii; and his liver,
the sorting of the inanimate nouns stops hisno (N, 221 / hisn-o) - hisino.
short of detailing prosodemic differences. Set b-with stem increment of -en. This
5.4.2.1. Subclass I of the inanimate nouns set appears to be limited to noun stems
comprises those stems which form their terminated in -e?. Examples are: b66ss6?
plural by suffixing morpheme 221 in the big toe, b66ss6?en6 (N, 221 /b6sseVen-6);
shape of -o. Four divisions of this subclass wot6? hat, wot6?eno (N, 221 / wot6?en-o);
are recognized; they consist of sets defined and heS6ss6?s mall toe, he66ss6?en6 (N, 221 /
and exemplified below. heEss?een-6).
5.4.2.1.1. Nouns assigned to Division 1 Set c-with stem increment of -un. Three
add the suffix -o to the absolute form of noun stems have been attested which belong
their stems, which are terminated in -Vn. to this group: woxii? grass, woxfi?uno (N,
Examples are: b6Oenb reast, b6Oeno (15, N, 221 /woxi?un-o; distributively); n66k6ei-
221/b-6een-o); hiik6n N hiikon lung, t6ok white of the eye, n66kOeit6okuno (N,
hiik6no N hiikono (N, 221 / hiik6n 221 / n66kOeit6ok6n-o); and h66xuukih
hiikon-o); b6sonon ' b6son6n neck, b6so- bellyband, h66xuukilhuno (N, 221 / h66xuu-
n6no (15, N, 221 /b-6son6n-o); niyiinon kfihun-o).
tepee, niyiin6no (N, 221 / niyiin6n-o); and Set d-with stem increment of -on. The
beiO6n tongue, beiO6no (15, N, 221/b- noun stems of this set are terminated in -o?,
ei06n-o). -(V)Vt, or -y preceded by a nonfront vowel,
5.4.2.1.2. Nouns assigned to Division 2 re- and also include hix bone. Examples are:
* See the previous installment of the series for b66?6sso? chest, b66?66so?6no (15, N, 221 /
pertinent bibliographical references. b-66E6so?6n-o);w ot6xko? chin, wot6xko?6no
136
NO. 2 ARAPAHO VI: NOUN 137
(15, N, 221/w-ot6xko?6n-o); bettit heel, Set d-stem-final s > 0: be?is nose, be?i06
betiitono (15, N, 221 / b-etiiton-o); hox6- (15, N, 221 / b-e?i0-6) [note, on the other
betfit week or ration, hox6betiitono (N, hand, his, 5.4.2.1.2, Set e].
221 / hox6betiiton-o); won6t belly, won6tono Set e-stem-final 0 > t: h66t66ki0
(15, N, 221 / w-on6ton-o); kokdiy gun, canine, h66t66k6to (N, 221 / h66t66kidt-o);
kokfiyon6 (N, 221 / kokfiyon-6); wotot6oy w6?ooO leg, wo?66to (15, N, 221 /
backbone, wotot6oy6no (15, N, 221 / w-o?66t-o); b6ii6 incisor, b6ifito (15, N,
w-otot6oy6n-o); and hix bone, hix6no (N, 221 / b-t616t-o). [Note, on the other hand,
221 / hix6n-o). h60, 5.4.2.2.2, Set a.]
Set e-with stem increment of -in. The Set f-stem-final x > 0: h6h?on66x ax,
noun stems of this set are terminated in h6h?on660o (N, 221 / h6h?on660-o) [but
-(V)Vt, -b preceded by a nonback vowel, note hin6oox, 5.4.2.2.1, Set a].
and other -VC sequences. Examples are: 5.4.2.1.4. Several nouns in my material
niib66t song, niib66tin6 (N, 221 / niib66tin- reshape their stems uniquely before the -o
6); 06isin66t casket, 06isin66tino (N, 221/ of the plural morpheme, constituting Divi-
06isin66tin-o); h6toowkdnitoot uvula, sion 4: b6teenii nostril, b6teeniiwo (15, N,
h6toowkuut66tino (N, 221 / h6toowkuu- 221 / b-6teeniw-o) alternating with the
t66tin-o); hoox6b well, hoox6bino (N, 221 / more recent variant b6teenfi0o; h6d blanket,
hoox6bin-o); b66sib plum, b66sibino (N, h6iwo (N, 221 / h6fiw-o); w6xu?uu medi-
221 / b6sibin-o); won6? ankle, won6?in6 cine, w6xu?iidwo (N, 221 / w6xu?ddw-o);
(15, N, 221/w-on6?in-6); b666t hand, betee heart,b et66ho (15, N, 221 / b-et66h-o);
be666tino (15, N, 221 / b-6666tin-o); w6ox6 knife, w66xoho (N, 221 /w66xoh-o);
Ooont666 crown (of the head), Ooont666ino heey6iihuu thing, h66yoohidho (N, 221 /
(N, 221 / Ooont666in-o) OO oonte66ii;b et666 h6eyoohtuh-o); Oifhohof orefinger, Oiihoono
brain, bet6eeino (15, N, 221 / b-et666in-o) (N, 221 / Ofihoon-o);a nd others.
bet66ko - bet666ii; his liver, hisino (N, 5.4.2.1.5. The groupings of the inanimate
221/hisin-o) - hisno; and hinis sac, nouns of Subclass I are reviewed in a sum-
hinisino (N, 221 / hinisin-o). mary form below.
5.4.2.1.3. Certain nouns change their SUBCLASIS (see 5.4.2.1): The shape of 221
stem-final consonants before the -o of is -o.
morpheme 221. These nouns form Division DIVISION 1: Morpheme 221 is suffixed to
3. According to the type of this nonauto- the absolute form of the noun stem (see
matic alternation, six sets are recognized- 5.4.2.1.1).
a through f-and exemplified below. DIVISION2 : The stems reshape before 221
Set a-stem-final 6 > k: bet666 brain, by the addition of an increment -([C]V)n
bet66ko (15, N, 221 / b-et6k-o) - bet666ii
(see 5.4.2.1.2).
bete66ino [but note Ooont666, 5.4.2.1.2,
SET a: The stem increment is -n.
Set e].
SET b: The stem increment is -en.
Set b-stem-final b > w: bii0ib - biOib
SET c: The stem increment is -un.
food, biiOiwo foodstuffs (N, 221 / bi0iw-o)
SET d: The stem increment is -on.
[but note be6sib, 5.4.2.1.2, Set e].
SET e: The stem increment is -in.
Set c-stem-final s > x: b6nes arm,
ben6xo (15, N, 221 / b-en6x-o); biifiis leaf, DIVISION3 : The stems change their final
bii6flxo (N, 221 / biifix-o); bfis bush, biix6 consonant before 221 (see 5.4.2.1.3).
(N, 221 / bix-6); b6s stick, b6xo (N, 221 / SET a: Stem-final 6 > k.
b6x-o; compare also b6s, in the sense log, SET b: Stem-final b > w.
which is animate). [Note, on the other hand, SET C: Stem-final s > x.
beses, 5.4.2.2.2, Set a.] SET d: Stem-final s > 0.
138 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS XXXI
SETe : Stem final 0 > t. ney6ooxet top of the head, ney6oox6tii
SET f: Stem-final x > 0. (N, 221 / ney6ooxet-ii).
DIVISION4 : The stems reshape uniquely Set b: The nouns of this set reshape their
before 221 (see 5.4.2.1.4). stems before the -ii of 221. Two subsets are
5.4.2.2. Subclass II of the inanimate recognized--b and b2.
nouns comprises those stems which form Subset bi: The stem is changed by the
their plural by suffixing morpheme 221 in a addition of the increment -in before 221,
shape other than -o. There are two divisions e.g., 6ec year or winter, 66einii (N, 221/
of this subclass. ce6in-ii) - cecno.
5.4.2.2.1. Noun stems assigned to Divi- Subset b2: The stems, terminated in
sion 1 add the suffix -uu to mark the plural. either -i? or -e?, drop the glottal stop before
According to the shape of their stems, the 221. Examples are: 06eii? root, Oeicilf (N,
nouns fall into two sets. 221 / 06ici-fi); hfisi? day, hlsifi (N, 221 /
Set a: Nouns assigned to this group add hiisi-ii); b6ete? bow, b6eteif (N, 221 /
-uu to the absolute form of their stems, b6et6-i1); besiiis6? eye, besiiiseii (15, N,
which in my material are terminated in -x 221 / b-esiiis6-ii); and be6?ii6Oe money,
or -k or in -u? or -o? (but not all inanimate be6?ii06ii (N, 221 / be?i6i0-ii).
nouns terminated in -u? or -o? belong to 5.4.2.2.3. The groupings of the inanimate
this set-see 5.4.2.1.2, Sets c and d, and nouns of Subclass II are reviewed in a sum-
below). Examples are: hln6oox bark (of a mary form below.
tree), hin6ooxuu (N, 221/hin6oox-iuu); SUBCLASISI (see 5.4.2.2): The shape of
beeteyook string, beet6yookuii (N, 221 / 221 is other than -o.
beeteyook-idu); been66kuhu? bale, been66- DIVISION 1: The shape of 221 is -uu (see
kuhuduu (N, 221 / been66kuhi?-uu); hono? 5.4.2.2.1).
sky, h6no?uu (N, 221 /h6no?-uu); and SET a: Morpheme 221 follows the abso-
hoxot66no? cliff, hoxot66no?uu (N, 221/ lute form of the noun stems.
hoxot66no?-uu). SET b: The stems reshape before 221.
Set b: Nouns of this set, generally termi- DIVISION2 : The shape of 221 is -ii (see
nated in -o? or -u?, reshape their stems 5.4.2.2.2).
before 221, e.g., wonot6no? ear, wonot6n6uu SETa : Morpheme 221 follows the absolute
(15, N, 221 / w-onot6n6-uu); and ho?66wu? form of the noun stems.
house, ho?66wuu (N, 221 / ho?66w-uu). SETb : The noun stems reshape before 221.
5.4.2.2.2. Noun stems assigned to Divi- SUBSET b1: The stem increment is -in.
sion 2 add the suffix -ii to mark the plural. SUBSET b2: The stem-final -i? or -e? be-
According to the shape of their stems, the comes -i or -e before 211.
nouns fall into two sets.
Set a: The nouns assigned to this group 5.5. A limited number of nouns, among
add -ii to the absolute form of their stems. them the majority of kinship terms and
The member nouns of the set are terminated several words for common animals, have
consonantally. Examples are: h6o arrow, special vocative forms for the singular.
h60ii (N, 221 / h60-ii); be? blood, b6?ii (N, These vocative constructions are highly ir-
221 / b6?-ii); betee6 brain, bet6eEii (15, N, regular.
221 / b-etee6-ii) beteeko N bet66cino; For nouns that do not belong to this
Ooont6ec crown (of the head), Ooonte&ii (N, group, the proximate singular and proxi-
221 / Ooonte6-ii) 0Ooonte6ino; t66noti? mate plural forms serve to indicate direct
hole, t66noti?ii (N, 221 / t66noti?-ii); b6ses address. While most of the terms of re-
lip, b6sesii (15, N, 221 /b-6ses-ii); and lationship have their vocative forms as-
NO. 2 ARAPAHO VI: NOUN 139
sociated with the first person possessive suppletive; cf. netesih?e my wife and noto?u
(marked by a prefix), those words denoting my sister-in-law (woman speaking).'
animals which distinguish the vocative
formally, mark the unpossessed stem only. 5.6. Arapaho nouns are either DEPENDENT
The VOCATIVE suffix, assigned to Decade or NONDEPENDENT. The class of dependent
210 and numbered 212, has several shapes. nouns is limited in number, not exceeding, in
The sequence N + 212 commonly shows a my estimate, some two hundred. It seems
prosodemic rearrangement, with the end to belong to an old lexical stratum and is
of the sequence characterized by vowels apparently closed to new coinages.
bearing the high-pitch prosodeme. Nondependent nouns occur both with a
The noun stems denoting common ani- specific personal possessor prefix and in their
mals employ morpheme alternants in the absolute form. Dependent nouns occur ex-
shape of -([V]V)n, depending on the stem- clusively in possessed form, whether pre-
final phoneme(s): niiVehii bird, nii?ehlin fixed by a morpheme marking a specific
(N, 212 / nii?ehii-n); hen6e6ee buffalo, personal possessor or an indefinite one, thus
heneeceen (N, 212 / heneecee-n); w6?o6 always participating in polymorphemic se-
cat, wo?ouin (N, 212 / w6?o-un); w6x bear, quences. They are with few exceptions (e.g.,
woxiuun (N, 212 / wox-uun); and h60 dog, beOene6m ilk [cf. beOenb reasta nd n66 water])
he0ebfin (N, 212 / heOeb-iin). underlain by simple noun stems. Seman-
The alternants of morpheme 212, when tically, the bulk of dependent nouns denotes
it is associated with kinship terms, are ab- most of the body parts and kinship relation-
breviative or -66. The abbreviative alter- ships.
nant has as its effect the truncation of the Among the few dependent nouns outside
preceding noun stem, indicated below by these two semantic categories are b6yei?ih
brackets; the shape -66 follows a shortened, home (cf. n6yei?ih my home), betei louse
an extended, or otherwise reshaped form or flea (cf. netei my louse), and b6iteh?61
of the stem. Examples are: not66 (my) friend (cf. n6iteh?ei my friend).
daughter! (11, N, 212 / n-ot66[ne-'abbrevi- Among the nondependent nouns denoting
ative']; cf. not6one my daughter); nei (my) body parts are his liver, hix bone, b6? blood,
son! (11, N, 212 / n-ei[h?e-'abbreviative']; hfik6n lung, k6soo scrotum, and others.
cf. neih?e my son); neix66 (my) father! Some of these can be readily distinguished
(11, N, 212 / n-eix-66; cf. neisonoo my from the dependent nouns because they
father); neiw66 (my) grandmother! (11, N, lack the indefinite personal possessor prefix
212 / n-6iw-66; cf. n6ibehe? my grand- b- N w-, others because their possessed
mother); nesih66 (my) uncle! (11, N, 212 / forms have a specific personal possessor
n-esih-66; cf. nesi my mother's brother or prefix added to the noun stem rather than
uncle); neh6ih66 (my) aunt! (11, N, 212 / substituted for what in the dependent nouns
n-eheih-66; cf. neh6i my father's sister or is the indefinite personal possessor morpheme
(cf. be? blood, n6be?ib my blood).
aunt); and nees6b66 (my) daughter-in-law!
The dependent noun betihii tail has a
(11, N, 212 / n-6es6b-66; cf. n66seb my
nondependent doublet tihii tail. The com-
daughter-in-law). pound noun be06ne6 milk acts as both de-
The possessed noun ney6o my brother-in-
law (man speaking) has the corresponding A fairly complete listing of the kinship terms
vocative form y66 brother-in-law! (man of address (vocatives) may be found in my article
Arapaho Kinship Terms and Two Related Ethno-
speaking). The vocatives betebi wife! and linguistic Observations, Anthropological Lin-
his66 sister-in-law! (woman speaking) are guistics 1.9.6-10 (1959).
140 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS XXXI
pendent and nondependent: the construc- (wo- - be- - bee- - bei- as well as other
tions neO6ne6m y milk (following the mor- prosodemic shapes) and then listing the
phology of the dependent nouns) and stems occurring with each particular alter-
n6beO6ne6m y milk (nondependent) are in nant.
free variation. The morphophonemic economy thus ef-
The INDEFINITE PERSONAL POSSESSOR fected extends further to the prefixes mark-
prefix, which marks dependency, is as- ing the first person and second person pos-
signed to Decade 10 and numbered 15. It sessive (morphemes 11 and 12). There is
occurs in two morpheme alternants, b- and no need to set up the rhyming alternants
w-. Examples are: b6tee (someone's) heart for prefixes 11 (nei-, nee-, etc.) and 12
(15, N / b-6tee), b6iie tooth( 15, N / b-6i6i0), (hei-, hee-, etc.) with the corresponding
b66e6t hand (15, N / b-6666t), besiiis6? assumed alternants of 15 (bei-, bee-, etc.),
eye (15, N / b-esfiis6?), b6?is nose (15, N / as in b6iie tooth, n6eii6 my tooth, h6eiiO
b-6?is), b6iOe?6 head (hair) (15, N / your tooth, and b66E6th and, n6666t my hand,
b-6iee?66), bei66n tongue (15, N / b-ei06n), h66W6ty our hand. However, for the third
w6to? nape (15, N / w-6to?), and won6t person possessive form (13 + N), the stems
belly (15, N / w-on6t). of the dependent nouns reshape by dropping
In view of the nonoccurrence of vowels the vowel or vowels that precede the first
in contour-initial position, the preceding consonant of the stem, e.g., hiniifi6 his
analysis of the dependent nouns may seem tooth, hii66t his hand, and hinl0e?66 his
inconsistent with the earlier statement con- head, with -610, -66t, and -0e?66 being the
cerning the patterning of Arapaho phonemes, shortened stems.
as it admits vowels stem-initially. However,
the morphemic cuts here employed are fully 5.7.1. The rest of the paradigm of per-
justified analytically. sonal possessor prefixes consists of those
The stems in question belong to the small marking the first, second, and third person.
special group of dependent nouns. Since The third person possessive makes no dis-
these nouns do not occur unprefixed, the tinction as to the sex of the referent; it
possibility of a contour-initial stem-initial translates as his, her, or its, depending on
vowel is excluded. As has been already the context.
shown in the discussion of the consonant- The specific personal possessor prefixes
vowel sequences, a selective distribution are assigned to Decade 10 and are num-
operates in Arapaho with respect to the bered respectively 11, 12, and 13. The
phonemes b and w and the vowels which following alternants of these three mor-
succeed them: b is generally followed by i phemes are attested in my material:
or e, w by o or u. In my material all of the (11) FIRST PERSON POSSESSIVE: n-
dependent nouns elicited with the indefinite ne- N n6- , no- N n6-;
personal possessor prefix begin with the (12) SECOND PERSON POSSESSIVE: h-
sequence be(V)- or wo- (disregarding the he- h6- N ho- ho-; and
prosodemes), except for b6?os glans penis. (13) THIRD PERSON POSSESSIVE: hi-
The morphemic cuts I employ (viz., b-i16i0, hi- - hii- - hfi- - hinii- - hinii- - hinii-.
w-6to?, b-6?is, etc., rather than b6i-i0, The morpheme alternants of 11 and 12
w6-to?, and b6-?is) are made with the as- are correlative, i.e., the shape ne- of 11 is
sumption of a phonemically conditioned replaced by he- of 12, no- corresponds to
regressive alternation, almost wholly auto- ho-, etc.
matic, in preference to setting up a fairly The distribution of the alternants of
large number of morpheme alternants of morphemes 11, 12, and 13 is contingent
the indefinite personal possessor prefix upon the stem-initial phonemes of the pos-
NO. 2 ARAPAHO VI: NOUN 141
sessed noun. The shapes n- and h- of pre- tiine?itiit); and w6oxe knife, now6ox6 my
fixes 11 and 12 respectively are limited to knife (11, N / no-w6ox6), how6ox6 your
dependent nouns (cf. 5.6). The shapes ne- (sg.) knife (12, N / ho-w6ox6), hiw6ox6 his
n6- of prefix 11 (and correlatively also he- knife (13, N / hi-wooxe).
h6- of 12) precede those nondependent Whereas most of the inanimate noun
nouns whose stem-initial consonant is stems remain unchanged for the possessed
followed by a nonback vowel (i.e., i or e). form, there are some that reshape. Thus, for
The shapes no- - n6- of prefix 11 (and cor- example, the noun hix bone lengthens its
relatively also ho- - h6- of 12) precede stem: netixoneb my bone (11, N / ne-tixon6b
those nondependent nouns whose stem- [the change h- > t- is very common; see
initial consonant is followed by a nonfront other examples immediately below]).
vowel (i.e., o or u). The shapes hinii- - On the other hand, animate nouns com-
hinii- - hinii- of prefix 13 precede the monly reshape their stems when possessed,
shortened stems of those dependent nouns e.g., netebesiib my beaver (11, N / ne-
which begin their 15 + N form with b-ei... t6besiib [cf. hebes beaver]);n eteneeceeb my
(disregarding the prosodemes); the shapes buffalo (11, N / n6-ten6eceeb [cf. hen666ee
hii- - hii- precede the shortened stems of buffalo]); nenisicehiib my antelope (11, N /
those dependent nouns which begin their ne-nisicehiib [cf. nisiMea ntelope]); heteOebiib
15 + N form with b-ee... (disregarding your (sg.) dog (12, N / he-tMOebiib[c f. h60
the prosodemes); the remaining alternants of dog]); and how66keciib your (sg.) cow (12,
13, hi- - hi-, occur elsewhere. N / ho-w66keifib [cf. wookec cow]).
Examples are: b6tee heart (15, N / b-6tee), When prefixed by morpheme 13, animate
netee my heart (11, N / n-6tee), h6tee your nouns assume an obviative form. There is
(sg.) heart (12, N / h-6tee), hitee his heart some indication, however, that outside the
(13, N / hi-tee); won6t belly (15, N / w-on6t), context of a whole phrase or in the case of
non6t my belly (11, N / n-on6t), hon6t your words infrequently employed, the sequence
(sg.) belly (12, N / h-on6t), hin6t his belly 13 + N + 211 is slowly being replaced by
(13, N / hi-n6t); bei06n tongue (15, N / the sequence 13 + N.
b-ei06n), nei06n my tongue (11, N / n-ei06n), Apparently, the shape of the obviative in
hei06n your (sg.) tongue (12, N / h-ei06n), the possessed noun (i.e., in the sequence
hinii06n his tongue (13, N / hinii-06n); 13 + N + 211) derives from the stem al-
be6ie?ee head (15, N / b-6iOe?e6),n 6eie?66 ternant of the possessed form rather than
my head (11, N / n-6i0e6ee), h6iOe?66y our from the absolute form of the stem. Thus,
(sg.) head (12, N / h-610e?66),h iniieee66 his the alternant of the absolute form heO in
head (13, N / hinif-0e6ee); n6ibehe? my the possessed form neteOeblib,v iz., -tO0ebiib,
grandmother( 11, N / n-6ibehe?), hinfiw6ho? follows Set b of Division 1, Subclass I, of
his grandmother (13, N, 211/hinii-w6ho?- the animate nouns in that it substitutes -w
Q) [containing the diminutive; cf. 5.9.1]; for the stem-final -b and employs P as the
bee6et hand (15, N / b-66e6t), n6ecet my morpheme alternant of 211: hiteOebiiw his
hand (11, N / n-666Et), he6REt your (sg.) dog (13, N, 211 / hi-te6ebiiw-0). Other
hand (12, N / h-eecet), hiicet his hand (13, examples of this kind are: hiteneeMeewh is
N / hif-cet); be?ib vein or blood, n6be?ib buffalo (13, N, 211 / hi-ten66eeew-p [cf.
my vein (11, N / ne-be?ib), hebe?ib your h6ten666eeb your buffalo]); hit66niiw his ant
(sg.) vein (12, N / h6-be?ib), hibe?ib his (13, N, 211 / hi-t66niiw-0 [cf. neteeniib my
vein (13, N / hi-be?ib); hiine?itiit life, ant and h66ni? ant]); n66cee hiw66ke6iiw
netiine?itilt my life (11, N / ne-tifne?itilt), the chief's (his) cow (13, N, 211 / hi-
hetiine?itflt your (sg.) life (12, N / he- w66keciiw-3); etc.
tiine?ittit), hitiine?itiit his life (13, N / hi- Other animate nouns exhibit greater
142 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS XXXI
regularity, e.g., hotif wagon, hotiiw (N, 211 / ii-0)-cf. x6uE6nii (N, 221, 211 / x6ue6n-
hotfiw-0), n6totii my wagon (11, N / n6- ii-Q).
totif), hitotiiw his wagon (13, N, 211 / hi- 5.7.3. There are some cases of suppletion
totiiw-))-cf. Subclass I, Division 1, Set b; in the possessed nouns. My material yields
neis6noo my father, hiniis6noon his father niyiinon tepee, but n6yei my tepee, h6yei
(13, N, 211 / hinii-s6noon-,)-Subclass I, your (sg.) tepee, etc.; h60 arrow, but nei6
Division 1, Subset cl; and x6ue6n onion, my arrow, hei6 your (sg.) arrow, hinii6 his
x6u66n (N, 211 / x6uc6n-P), hix6u66n his arrow, n6iko my arrows, etc.; hiniin his wife,
onion (13, N, 211 / hi-x6u66n-Q). but betesih?e (dep.) wife, netesih?e my
5.7.2. Pluralization of possessed inani- wife, etc.; niniihen 56bikoohiut automobile
mate nouns is generally regular: n6i6ito my or car [= it runs by itself], but n6totii my
teeth (11, N, 221 / n-E6iit-o)-cf. Subclass I, car [= my wagon or wheel], nototiiwo? my
Division 3, Set e; heiOe?eno your (sg.) cars, etc.; and woxhoox - w6xuuh66x
heads (12, N, 221 / h-eiOe?W6n-o)-cf. Sub- horse, but n6tonihi? my horse, hitoniho? his
class I, Division 2, Set a; hiw66xoho his horse, notonih?o? my horses, hitonih?o his
knives (13, N, 221 / hi-w66xoh-o)-cf. Sub- horses, etc.
class I, Division 4; and bet66eii brains (15, The nouns w6xuuhihi elk (pl.) and w6x
N, 221 / b-et66e-ii)-cf. Subclass II, Division bear have special constructions for pos-
2, Set a. For the noun hix bone (pl. hix6no session: n6tonih?o? w6xuuhuu my herd of
[Subclass I, Division 2, Set d]), the form elk, h6tonih?o? woxuuhiuu your (sg.) elk
hitixon6wo his bones is on record. The source (pl.), etc., and n6tonihi? w6x my bear,
of this citation is a narrative in which the h6tonihi? w6x your (sg.) bear, etc. According
bones appear to be alive.2 Indeed, the form is to one informant, constructions employing
easily analyzable as animate: hitixon6wo the paradigmatic forms of n6tonihi? in
(13, N, 221, 211 / hi-tixon6w-o[?-'sub- conjunction with another noun carry the
tractive']). meaning of pet (animal), e.g., n6tonihi? w6x
Pluralization of animate nouns in the first my pet bear. For the third person possessive
and second person possessive involves in of the two nouns my record also shows the
most cases suffixing to those stem alternants forms (ne6eee) hiw6xuuhilw (the chief's) elk
which are employed in the possessed obvia- [= the chief, his elk] and (n66Eee)h iwoxuidw
tive (singular) construction (i.e., 13 + N + (the chief's) bear.
211) morpheme 221 in the shape of -o?. The set n66s my husband, h6es your (sg.)
When the nouns are pluralized and prefixed husband, hiix her husband appears to be de-
by the third person possessive, these same fective, as neither an absolute nonde-
stem alternants enter into an obviative pendent form nor a form prefixed by the
(plural) sequence, viz., 13 + N + 221 + 211. indefinite personal possessor morpheme
Examples are: net6Oebiiwo? my dogs (11, could be elicited. However, the change s > x
N, 221 / ne-t6Oebiiw-o?);h ot66noho? your is common.
(sg.) daughters( 12, N, 221 / ho-t66noh-o?)- 5.7.4. The specific personal possessors,
cf. not66ne my daughter,h it66no his daughter denoted by prefixes 11, 12, and 13, are
(13, N, 211 / hi-t66n-o) of Subclass I, Di- pluralized by the PERSONAL POSSESSOR
vision 2, Subset d3; hitMOebiiwhoi s dogs (13, PLURALIZER morpheme suffixed to a length-
N, 221, 211 / hi-t6Oebiiw-o[?-'subtractive']); ened form of the associated noun stem. The
hit66noho his daughters (13, N, 221, 211 / suffix, numbered 231, occurs in the shapes
hi-t66noh-o[?-'subtractive']); and hix6u- -inoo - -unoo [following a certain few con-
56nii his onions (13, N, 221, 211 / hi-x6u6en- sonants], as well as some additional proso-
demic variants.
2 Cf. 3.2, No. 76 of my Arapaho III: Additional
Texts, IJAL 22.266-72 (1956). Examples are: het6Oebiibinoo your (pl.)
NO. 2 ARAPAHO VI: NOUN 143
dog or dogs (12, N, 231 / he-t6Oebiib-inoo); marking the (third person possessor) IN-
ne6666no? nonoohow66Oi? hih6ihehinoo the ANIMATIVE, numbered 213, follows the
chiefs see their mothers-in-law (13, N, 231 / lengthened form of the associated noun
hi-heiheh-inoo); n666eno? non66how6oOi? stem. The inanimative occurs in the shapes
hon6h?oho hiheihehinoo the chiefs see these of -iinoo? (- -iinoo?) - -uunoo? (.
men's mothers-in-law;h ototiibinoo your (pl.) -uunoo?), unless pluralized.
wagon or wagons (12, N, 231 / h6-totiib- The inanimative is made plural by means
inoo); hoxou6eniibinoo your (pl.) onion or of suffix 232, the (third person possessor)
onions (12, N, 231 / ho-xouceniib-inoo); INANIMATIVE PLURALIZER. The single alter-
hiwoxuuwunoo their bear or bears (13, N, nant of morpheme 232, -u, follows suffix
231 / hi-woxuuw-uinoo); hiniiee?eenlnoo 213 which then regularly assumes the shape
their head or heads (13, N, 231 / hinfi-Oe?een- of -iin6u?- - -uun6u?-.
inoo); and hitline?itlitoonlnoo their life (13, In both of these sequences, viz., 13 + N +
N, 231 / hi-tiine?itiitoon-inoo). 213 and 13 + N + 213 + 232, the one-mora
There is a distinction in the plural be- alterants of morpheme 13, hi- - hi-, are
tween inclusive and exclusive first person replaced by the lengthened alternant shapes
possessive. The inclusive first person form of hii- - hii-, and the prosodemes are com-
subsumes the speaker, the addressee, and monly redistributed over the morphemic
perhaps others (as when a boy talks to his sequence.
sister about 'our mother'); the exclusive Examples are: hlite0ebiibiinoo? its dog
first person form subsumes the speaker and or dogs (13, N, 213 / hii-teOebiib-iinoo? [cf.
others, but not the addressee (as when a hit6Oebiibinoo their dog or dogs]); hinl-
mother talks to a visitor about 'our chil- iEiOiinoo?i ts tooth or teeth (13, N, 213 /
dren,' meaning those belonging to her and hinfi-6i0-iinoo?); hinii0e?eeniinoo? its head
her husband). or heads (13, N, 213 / hinli-0e?een-iinoo?);
In the sequence 11 + N + 231, the ad- hiiwoxiuuwuunoo? its bear or bears (13, N,
dressee (or hearer) is excluded by definition: 213 / hii-woxtuuw-uunoo?); hiiwookeciibii-
thus, n6iOe?66ninoom eans head(s) belonging n6u?u their cow or cows (13, N, 213, 232 /
to us but not to you who are being spoken to hii-w66ke6ib-iin6u?-u [cf. hiw66keciiw his
(or might be hearing this). The inclusion of cow]); hiiwoxfiuwuunou?u their bear or bears
the addressee (and perhaps of others) is (13, N, 213, 232 / hfi-woxfuuw-uunou?-u);
expressed by the INCLUSIVIZER morpheme, and hiniiiOiiinou?u their tootho r teeth (13, N,
241, which follows suffix 231 and is as- 213, 232 / hinli-ci0-iin6u?-u).
sociated with prefix 12, which marks the It is evident from some of the glosses of
second person possessive. The inclusivizer the Arapaho examples in this and the pre-
has a single morpheme alternant, termed ceding section, 5.7.4, that nouns in sequences
'subtractive,' which has the effect of re- 11 + N + 231, 12 + N + 231 + 241, 13 +
ducing the suffix 231 from -Vnoo to -Vn, N + 231, and 13 + N + 213 4 232 are not
with an occasional redistribution of pro- explicit as to number. Thus, my informants
sodemes over the morphemic sequence, as in translate heteOebiibinoob oth as the dog that
h6iOe?2enino ur head(s), including yours or belongst o you (fellows) and the dogs that belong
perhaps your head(s) as well as ours (12, N, to you (fellows).
231, 241 / h-6iOe?6en-in[oo-'subtractive'])o r
het6Oebiibino ur dog(s) as well as yours (12, 5.8. For the LOCATIVEs uffix, numbered
N, 231, 241 / he-teOebiib-in[oo-'subtrac- 251, the morpheme alternants -e? -i?
tive']). -ii? , -u?, as well as some additional
5.7.5. When the third person possessor is prosodemic variants, have been attested.
one which is classified as inanimate, a suffix The shape of 251 is largely dependent upon
144 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS XXXI
the final consonant of the associated stem 261 / b-6iOe?een-ehe?);h inii0e?een6he? his
alternant. little head (13, N, 261 / hinii-Oe?een-6he?);
Examples are: hok66be? on your back (12, b6teeh6he? little heart (15, N, 261 / b-etee-
N, 251 / h-ok66b-e? [cf. wok6oo back]); h6he?); n6iSit6he? my little tooth (11, N,
net6Oebfibe? on my dog (11, N, 251 / ne- 261 / n-6itit-6he?); non66kuh6he? my little
t6Oebiib-e?);h it6Oebiibe?o n his dog (13, N, rabbit (11, N, 261 / no-nookuh-6he?); and
251 / hi-t6Oebiib-e?);h 66be? in bed (N, 251 / hotiib6he? little wagon or wheel (N, 261 /
h66b-e? [cf. h6o6 bed]); nlyiinone? in the hotiib-6he?).
tepee (N, 251 / niyiin6n-e?); noo?6te? on my The kinship terms neibehe? my grand-
leg (11, N, 251 / n-o?66t-e?); netixone? on or mother, neb6siib6he? my grandfather, and
in my bone (11, N, 251 / ne-tixon-e?) - n66heb6he? my younger sibling likewise ap-
netixon6be? (11, N, 251 / ne-tixon6b-e?); pear to terminate in morpheme 261, but a
hitixone? on or in his bone (13, N, 251 / hi- full analysis of these forms cannot be made
tixon-e?) ' hitixon6be9; b6se? in the wood from the available data (n6ibehe? [11, N,
(N, 251 / b6s-e?); hiteine? on a limb or 261 / n-6ib-ehe?] my little mothero r my little
branch (N, 251 / hitein-e? [cf. hit6i branch]); one?).
h6ecetine? in your hand (12, N, 251 / Before the morphemes marking the ob-
h-6ecetin-e0); n6ci? on or in the water (N, viative (211), plural (221), and obviative
251 / n6i-i?); his6eeO on the pine (N, 251 / plural (221 + 211) of animate nouns, the
hiseeO-i?[ cf. his66Op ine]); neeyeifi(i)? in the diminutive assumes the shorter form of
timber (N, 251 / neeyic'-i? - neey6ii-ii? -(h)Vh- (subsuming prosodemic variants).
[cf. neey6ic timber]); hoh66tii? in or on the The morpheme alternants of 211 and 221
tree (N, 251 / hoh66t-ii?); hoh66tine? on which regularly associate with 261 are -o?
trees (N, 251 / hoh66tin-e?); hon6?u? in and -?o?, respectively; the morpheme alter-
the sky (N, 251 / hon6?-u?); and seen66ku? nant of 211 in the sequence N + 261 +
on the rope (N, 251 / seen66k-u?). 221 + 211 has a subtractive force in that it
Animate nouns prefixed by the third reduces the shape of 221 from -?o? to -2o.
person possessive do not mark the obviative The diminutive forms of inanimate nouns
when they participate in a locative con- are pluralized by morpheme 221 in the
struction; thus, net6Oebiibe?o n my dog and shape of -?o.
hitMOebiibeo?n his dog. Examples are: honoh?ehiho? boy (obv.; N,
261, 211 / hon6h?e-hih-o?); nfifehih?o?
5.9.1. The suffix marking the DIMINUTIVE little birds or birdies (N, 261, 221 / niieh-
is assigned to Decade 260 and numbered ih-?o?); hon6h?ehih?o boys (obv. pl.; N,
261. It occurs in several shapes, all of which, 261, 221, 211 / honoh?e-hih-?o[?-'sub-
disregarding prosodemic variants, corre- tractive']); hookfuThuh?o?li ttle mice (N, 261,
spond to the formula -(h)VhV9, where the 221 / hookfuih-uh-?o?); and b6tooh6h?o
two vowels, which are identical, may be i, e, little hearts (15, N, 261, 221 / b-6too-h6h-?o).
or u. Those alternants beginning in -h... When followed by morphemes 211 or 221
follow stems terminated vocalically; the (including the sequence 221 + 211), the
others follow stem-final consonants. vowel e of the expected morpheme [261]
Examples are: hiseihihi? girl [= little alternant -(h)eh- (or -[h]6h-) regressively
woman] (N, 261 / hisei-hihi?); hon6h?ehihi? assimilates to the vowel of the succeeding
boy [= little young man] (N, 261 / hon6h?e- morpheme and becomes o. Thus, n66kuh6he?
hlhi?); nii6iih6he? creek [= little river; cf. little rabbit (N, 261 / n66kuh-6he?), but
niicii N- niicii river] (N, 261 / nii6ii-h6he?); hinookuhoho? his little rabbit (obv.; 13, N,
hookiuuhuhu?l ittle mouse (N, 261 / hookiuuh- 261, 211 / hi-n66kuh-6h-o?), n66kuh6h?o?
uhu?); b6iOe?eenehe? little head (15, N, little rabbits (N, 261, 221 / n66kuh-6h-?o?),