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Arapaho IV: Interphonemic Specification Author(s): Zdeněk Salzmann Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 27, No. 2 (Apr., 1961), pp. 151-155 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1263427 Accessed: 15/01/2009 12:51 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal of American Linguistics. http://www.jstor.org ARAPAHO IV: INTERPHONEMIC SPECIFICATION* ZDENEK SALZMANN VERDE VALLEY SCHOOL 4.0. Introduction (acknowledgments, mate- Arapaho informant who was then in Flag- rials collected, informants) staff, Arizona, in connection with research 4.1. Consonants on sign language sponsored by the depart- 4.2. Vowels ment of anthropology of Indiana University, 4.3. Consonant-vowel sequences The material obtained from my Arapaho 4.4. External morphophonemics informants falls into three categories. Since the primary interest has been linguistic, the 4.0. This paper concludes the first series major part of the raw data pertains to the of articles on Arapaho, which have been language. The bulk of these linguistic data concerned with phonology, texts, and lexi- is in the form of traditional narratives; these con.1 An adequate treatment of morphology texts are supplemented by informants' and syntax presupposes some additional translations and by numerous interpretative field work, which I hope to be able to carry forms elicited with respect to the individual out soon. texts. Aside from the texts, word lists (body A short exploratory field trip to the parts, numerals, fauna, white-culture ele- Northern Arapaho of the Wind River Indian ments, etc.) as well as paradigms were Reservation (Wyoming) in 1949, sponsored elicited. For experimental purposes, some by the Graduate School of Indiana Uni- eliciting with pictures was attempted during versity, was followed in 1950 by a full- the summer of 1952. summer field trip to the same locality under Most of the linguistic data were phoneti- grants from the American Philosophical cally-and later phonemically-transcribed Society and the Indiana University Grad- directly from the speech of the informants. uate School. In the summer of 1952, finan- In addition to this record, wire and subse- cial assistance from the American Phil- quently tape recordings of texts and of some osophical Society and Indiana University other material were made to facilitate the made it possible to bring a Northern checking of the analysis, particularly with Arapaho tribesman to the Bloomington regard to prosodic features. Copies of most campus to serve as an informant during the of the recordings are deposited with the Linguistic Institute session; his services Archives of Languages of the World at were used in both a course in field methods Indiana University. and my own research. I am much indebted Besides the linguistic material (including to the two institutions mentioned above for the folkloristic texts mentioned above), a their material support of my work on number of tales were collected in English. Arapaho. In August of 1957 I was able to All of these have been published.2 supplement my field notes with about Finally, recordings were made of a con- thirty hours of additional work using an 2 Zdenek Salzmann, An Arapaho Version of the * Arapaho I, II, III in IJAL 22.49-56, 151-58, Star Husband Tale, Hoosier Folklore 9.50-58 266-72 (1956). (1950); Zdenek and Joy Salzmann, Arapaho Tales A bibliography of works on the dialects of I, Hoosier Folklore 9.80-96 (1950); Zdenek and the Arapaho division, including those based on Joy Salzmann, Arapaho Tales II, Midwest Folk- my own linguistic research, may be found else- lore 2.21-42 (1952); and Zdenek Salzmann, where in this issue. Only abbreviated references Arapaho Tales III, Midwest Folklore 7.27-37 will therefore be used throughout this paper. (1957). 151 152 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS VOL. XXVII siderable amount of Arapaho music. These hinee w6ox6 hoow(u)d66toyo(o) that knife is were ably analyzed by Bruno Nettl under not very flat, koho?owoon nih?een6i6kuuO66t the guidance of George Herzog of Indiana he was throwingu p a ball, hito?oowu? h6hnee- University. hee6xoo66otini? his house is very narrow, Most of the linguistic material was n66wo h6kokkuihebinooI like to drink soup, obtained in 1949 and 1950 from the late non6h?o? n66kuh6he? hetiiOoo heeO6ih6k?- John B. Goggles (1883-1952), a Northern dus6h?oho "Tell [the bear,] 'I killed the Arapaho of Ethete, Wyoming (Wind River rabbit,'" said her brothers... (from a tradi- Reservation). A friend and guide of Truman tional narrative), niiOx6ey66f ence, b6xko?u Michelson, Goggles proved to be a very h6niisxoh?on66oin iini?i6ithiei?p umpkins are cooperative and intelligent informant. Be- good to eat when they are ripe, h6k6uyoono cause of his appreciation of the old values, niin6?oOn ifshf?i hinee h66tihno(o) they make his natural yet judicious interest in his many reservoirs where I come from, 666se?- native language, and his reliability, the Iseihihi? h66?ihn66n hin6neeswoxfiunit one quality of the data he provided may never girl pretended to be the bear (trad. nar.), be duplicated. toht6?ow6? because I strike him, and xou?- The remaining portion of the material eey66 hoowx6uw6ot66 the chimney was not comes from two informants. Data obtained straight. in 1952 and 1957 were contributed by The following listing displays all the William Shakespeare (born 1901) of Arapa- MEDIAL clusters that I have recorded. In hoe, Wyoming, an acculturated Arapaho parentheses, those consonants are listed with useful experience as a tribal interpreter which, in clusters, follow the consonant that whose help I greatly value. Some data precedes the parenthetical material: b (k); obtained in 1949 and 1950 were provided by t (b, t, 6, k, 0, s, h, n, w); c (t, 6, k, x, n); Ralph Edward G. Hopper (born 1908) of k (b, t, 6, k, ?, 0, s, x, h); ? (t, 6, k, s, n, w); Ethete, Wyoming; however, his chief co- o (b, t, 6, k, 0, x, h, n); s (b, t, 6, k, 0, s, x, h, tribution was to our record of Arapaho n, w); x (b, t, 6, k, ?, y,s , x, h, n, w); h music. Other native speakers (including a (b, t, ?, h, n, w, y); n (b, t, 6, k, 0, s, h, n); few women) were consulted on details only. w (b, t, 6, k, x, n). 4.1. Distributional statements made be- Among the above 80 medial clusters t, 6, low and throughout this paper are in refer- k, 0, s, x, h, and n occur geminated; y does ence to the contour as the matrix (see not occur as the first member of any cluster; Arapaho I, Section 1.1). and x is followed by all consonants save y. Arapaho consonant clusters have been No medial clusters consisting of more dealt with in Section 1.5.1. I find no INITIAL than two consonants are on record. consonant clusters in my material. My recordings yield only three FINAL The paragraphs dealing with MEDIAL consonant clusters, of two members each: clusters contain two errors and several -x(t, k) and -h?. Examples are: niix66sext omissions. The examples hehOi6?toxudi?a nd blue racer, heeh6xk nih?660oo White Man ne?niihniinisk6h6ehk6ni? (both on p. 52) said (trad. nar.), and beexo66iih? a little should be corrected to read hexGo6?toxuiOi?l ater. and ne?niihnilnisk6h6exk6ni?, thus elimi- 4.2. Arapaho vowel clusters have been nating two clusters. discussed in Section 1.5.2. Since the ex- The following clusters need to be added: amples given therein do not illustrate all -tO-,- tw-, -6t-, -6k-, -6x-, -kk-, -k?-, -Ox-,- sx-, of the different arrangements recorded in -sh-, -sw-, -ht-, and -wx-. my notes, an exhaustive list (alphabetic: e, Examples are: heet0f?is66noo I will uri- 6, i, f, o, 6, u, u) is presented below. Vowels nate, h66twonbiiOfhnooI am going overt o eat, or clusters thereof do not occur INITIALLY. NO. 2 ARAPAHO IV: INTERPHONEMIC SPECIFICATION 153 (a) Dyadic clusters of like vowels occur- 504, 2.1.84, 2.2.33, 2.3.20, etc.; -66-: ho- ring medially are: ee, 6e, 66, ii, ii, if, oo, 60, h66t tree, 17, 18, 19, 32, 38, 40, 468, etc.; 66, uu, (u(U, ii; occurring finally are ee, -66: h66 porcupine, 161b, 420, 479, 480, 503, e6, 6e, 66, ii, ii, ii, ii, oo, o6, 6o, 66, uu, uti, etc.; -uu-: 6, 59, 89, 129, 156, 316, etc.; iiu, thu. -uu: 39, 64, 130, 168, 173, 178, 179, etc.; (b) Triadic clusters of like vowels occur- -uti: seenfwuii lizards, etc.; -iu-: hoowtiunf ring medially are: 6ee, ee6, 66e, iii, lii, 6oo not, 2.2.71, 3.1.7, 3.1.29, 3.2.79, 3.4.5, etc.; 6o6; occurring finally are ee6, iii, oo6, 6oo, -du: 2.5.29, 3.3.13, 3.4.20, etc.; -du'-: 18, 62, 6o6, tiui. 115, 119, 157, 508, etc.; -tU': mUium oo, (c) Dyadic clusters of unlike vowels 118, etc. occurring medially are: ei, el, 6i, 61, eo, lo, (b) -ee6: hee6 yes (man speaking), etc.; 16, oe, 6'e, 66, ou, oti, 6u, 6t; occurring -6ee-: ho?6eet clay, 128, 2.2.63, etc.; -e6-: finally are ei, el, 6i 61, le, lo, oe, o6, 6e, 61, 97, 133, etc.; -66e-: 3.2.114, etc.; -iii-: be- ou, 6u, 6ti, uo, ti6. sMEis6?ey e, 431, 500, 2.2.67, 3.1.32, etc.; (d) Triadic clusters of unlike vowels -fii-: 3.2.84, etc.; -fif: hill snow, etc.; -oo6: occurring medially are: eii, oe6, 6ee, ooe, 142a, 161a, etc.; -6oo-: bin6oox bark (of a 66(, 6uo, ouu, otiU, 6uu, 6tiu; occurring tree), 512, etc.; -65o: wok6oo back (abovet he finally are 6ii, oee, 6ee, 6uu, 6ui'u,t itho. waist), 425, etc.; -6o6-: 3, etc.; -6o6: h6o6 The following examples refer to Arapaho bed, b6o6 road, box?6o6 thunder, netfl&So6 I, Section 1.6 (items 1 through 513), Arap- my pipe, etc.; -duu: wduhuc opulate!, etc. aho II (items 2.1.1 through 2.5.90), (c) -ei-: beiO6nt ongue, 13, 20, 27, 43, 91, Arapaho III (items 3.1.1 through 3.5.6), 94, 95, 103, etc.; -ei: be?ftei bedbug,8 4, 105, and Ai-apaho Kinship Terms and Two 127, 181, 459, 2.1.69, etc.; -el-: 79, 608, Related Ethnolinguistic Observations (in 2.1.23, 2.2.22, 2.3.35, 2.4.40, etc.; -el: nel Anthropological Linguistics; items 601 son! (voc.), etc.; -6i-: hen6ix6? I fear him, through 625). 311, 504, 2.1.12, 2.1.28, 2.1.83, 3.2.100, etc.; (a) -ee-: heebeOiin6nb ig man, 37, 40, 50, -6i: wos6i devil, 606, 2.1.28, etc.; -61-: 4, 18, 62, 63, etc.; -ee: 6e?Oeeea shes, 21, 29, 44, 70, 29, 47, 54, 56, 86, 107, 109, etc.; -61: bfit6l 82, 99, 447, etc.; -e&: 2.2.32, etc.; -6e-: ghost, 43, 69, 413, 2.1.7, 2.1.29, 2.2.38, 3.4.36, hen6et6y6inoo I push, 15, 303b, 2.1.70, etc.; -eo-: 502, etc.; -le: nii6ie river, 607, 2.2.56, 2.3.14, 2.5.56, etc.; -6e: 2.4.16, etc.; -lo-: 309b, 309c, 431, etc.; -lo: nif?ehio 3.1.11, 3.2.32, etc.; -66-: h66eso66? it is nar- bird (obv.), etc.-; 406-: 309a, etc.; -oe-: row, 1, 14, 16, 21, 28, 615, etc.; -66: M6et66 2.5.43, etc.; -oe: 3.4.21, etc.; -o6: woOon6ho6 smoke, 434, 443, 502, 2.1.44, ?66 yes (old pencil, etc.; -6e-: ben66sein6ehlt he is big, woman speaking), etc.; -ii-: b6xsiih?i all, 2.2.72, 2.3.8, 2.5.84, 3.3.54, etc.; -6e: 2.2.23, 10, 25, 31, 34, 38, 57, etc.; -ii: betihii tail (of 2.3.13, 2.4.44, 2.5.42, 2.5.45, 3.3.39, 3.3.42, land mammals), 4, 56, 85, 96, 162, etc.; -ii: woOonoh6e paper, etc.; -66-: 100, etc.; -6f: h66ni1a nts, etc.; -ii-: blit6l ghost, 104, 2.2.30, 3.2.18, h61 here!, etc.; -ou-: 38, 108, 123, 134, 2.2.46, 2.2.59, 2.3.1, 2.3.4, hinfiw6ho? his 166, 2.1.3, 2.2.29, etc.; -ou: 2.2.15, 3.3.9, (her) grandmother, etc.; -ii: 2.1.24, 2.4.8, etc.; -ou-: 49, 440, 2.3.33, 2.4.25, 2.5.13, 3.2.34, etc.; -11-:b llyi feather, 20, 26, 41, 42, 2.5.60, 3.1.48, w6?oin cat! (voc.), now6?odiw 43, 56, 57, blIOibf ood, etc.; -ii: n1161r1i ver, my cat, etc.; -6u-: konoo?6u066?d ust, 71, 111, 103, 137, 417, 476, 3.2.2, 3.2.5, etc.; -oo-: 2.1.23, 2.1.32, 2.2.67, 2.4.10, 2.5.32, 3.1.41, w6?ooO leg, 20, 24, 30, 36, 130, etc.; -oo: etc.; -6u: 2.5.19, 2.5.37, 3.2.54, 3.2.86, 3.3.41, hoox6oninoo I am laughing, 6, 40, 102, 108, etc.; -6d-: 22, 23, 42, 55, 70, 91, 94, 497, 112, 407, 470, etc.; -o6: w6?o(h)6 cat, etc.; etc.; -6th: t6d what?, 3.3.6, 3.3.38, 3.4.19, -6o-: non6ot6? it burns, 19, 32, 406, 511, xoxon6i right away, h6A blanket, hoh6i 2.1.21, 2.1.51, etc.; -6o: n6h6o stallion, 487, thank you!, etc.; -uo: woxoo66?uo young bull 154 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS VOL. XXVII (obv.), etc.; -66: nookuwi6 white buffalo The sequence wi was obtained only in (obv.), etc. the expressive form wi, an interjection used, (d) -eii-: 46?eiin6uyoo snowball, etc.; according to Goggles, "in a certain game -6ii: besfiis6ii eyes, hinfiit6ii temples (body when you barely miss a stake you try to hit part), etc.; -oee: 2.5.54, etc.; -o06-: 2.3.14, with a stone." 3.1.29, etc.; -6ee-: 66, 3.2.17, 3.4.27, etc.; The sequence tu is rare (cf. 2.2.46 and -6ee: 2.4.44, 2.5.70, etc.; -ooe-: 2.4.19, etc.; 2.5.50); the possibility of my mishearing it -664-: 407, etc.; -6uo-: 477, etc.; -ouu-: for to is not excluded. 3.4.18, etc.; -odi-: 140, 2.5.71, etc.; -6uu-: The sequences bo and we require a special 98, 2.2.29, etc.; -6uu: 152, 2.2.18, 2.4.13, comment. Kroeber correctly observed3 that etc.; -64u-: 2.2.45, etc.; -6ui: 51, etc.; -ddo: "between these two sounds [b and w], the W6?inohdioc hicken hawk (obv.), etc. rule is that b occurs before the front vowels 4.3. All of Arapaho consonant phonemes i, e, , ain, and w before the back vowels u, o, (b, t, 6, k, ?; 0, s, x, h; n; w, y) occur initially, a, an. This is a consistent phonetic law of between vowels, and finally (examples may Arapaho; even within the dialect the same be found in Arapaho I). stem changes from b to w if the vowel There are very few consonant-vowel becomes a back one." In a footnote4 to his (vowel-consonant) sequences that are not observation he adds that "ba'an, road, and substantiated by my record. Examples have baha'an, thunder, are exceptions noted in been found for every possible combination simple stem words." His examples (b6o6 of the type VOWEL + CONSONANT. Among road and box?6o6 thunder in my phonemi- the sequences CONSONANT+ VOWEL, xi, bu, cization) may be supplemented by I66boonoo 6u, 6u, su, and yu do not occur in my mate- I am shooting (intrans.), b6?on66ke red rial. Such morphophonemic changes as those buffalo, bo?66ke6 red cow, bo?oon66t red exemplified by the forms silsii6 duck, sfi- horse, b6?os glans (penis), b66?oowu? siiSii duck (obv.): sifsiikli?uu ducks (pl. and catchup, n6niib66tow66 niib66t I am singing obv. pl.) suggest that even a corpus more a song, b6noo?6in66 I fight, and others. extensive than the one I am drawing on The sequence we occurs in my material would not be likely to yield these missing only once, and then as a sandhi form w6w66?- sequences. ihbih?iy66n it was already dark (cf. 2.3.6) The sequence ki was obtained from Shake- corresponding to the absolute w6w (. wow) speare, but not from Goggles. It occurred in h66?ihbfh?iy66n.M orphophonemic examples interrogative sentences of the English type of the b - w alternation are numerous: cf. did you... ?, e.g., kihbi0 h6kok did you eat n6ibehe? my grandmother and hinfiw6ho? the soup?, kihb6n h6kok or kih?6kokkuh?eb his (her) grandmothern; onoohob6inoo he sees did you drink the soup? It appears that the me, nonooh6woot he sees him, and non66- sequence kih- of the above examples is a how4di? they see me. recent contraction and/or allegro style 4.4. As has been stated in the discussion version of k66hih- (-k66hix-), as in k66hix?- of phonology, formal Arapaho utterances iine? itii did you live? Compare also k66huh- are broken up by junctures into contours (kk66hux-) > kuh- (-kux-) did he...?, corresponding closely to words. The change as in kuhblif0 6?o666 did he eat the bread?, from the formal style to the allegro style and k66nihb0 . .. did I eat... ?, which of a spontaneous narration or of an informal does not contract, as it would otherwise discourse, with the concomitant consolida- cease to contrast with the did you... ? form. tion of two or more such contours, is in The form mdd moo, with its unique occur- certain instances accompanied by changes rence of m, is probably borrowed rather affecting the phonemes at the juncture than onomatopoetic (see footnote 4 in 3 Arapaho Dialects, pp. 78f. Arapaho I, p. 49). 4 Ibid., p. 79. NO. 2 ARAPAHO IV: INTERPHONEMIC SPECIFICATION 155 boundary or, less frequently, in other Unaccented short vowels preceding a positions as well. sequence of consonant plus accented By far the most common type of such an vowel(s) occasionally lose their voicing or EXTERNALm orphophonemic change is the are elided when delivered in the fast style: loss of h in instances where a consonant thus, &6bik6ohiiht e is running by as against cluster terminating in h would otherwise the allegro performance 66ebk6ohuit. Before be the result of the fusion of two contours. an utterance-final pause, the sequence -hVt Thus, hinee h6kok h6hneetenei?766 becomes has an allegro alternant -xt. hineeh6kok6hneet6n6i?66? that's very thick Finally, the sequence -ei- (regardless of soup, hee?iitehi0i beeb6i?6n hix66be? Oi?- the prosodemes it may be associated with) 66kuut becomes hee?iitehili beeb6i?6nix- alternates with the sequence -ii- in rapid U6be? Ol?o66kuutt here is someone standing delivery: thus, hiitoneih?i nenilwoh?tiye?it way up there, and so on. as against hiftoniih?ineniiwoh?iye?it he's When the fusing of two contours brings got both arms full of stuff. together two identical consonants, either a There are numerous and very intricate long consonant is heard, or in extra fast INTERNAL morphophonemic changes, i.e., delivery a single consonant results, e.g., those resulting from the association of the h6OOenei0i?6kteesbi0hiit66ne? the dog is various morphemes that go into the making sitting under a table, extra fast he6enei... of a word. They will be discussed in connec- (h6Od og). tion with Arapaho morphology.