AN INVESTIGATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE’S POLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS CAMPAIGN IN THE 2009 SOUTH AFRICAN GENERAL ELECTIONS INCLUDING HOW SOCIAL NETWORKING SITE FACEBOOK WAS LEVERAGED TO HELP INCREASE THE PARTY’S VOTE-SHARE by RONESH DHAWRAJ submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS in the subject of COMMUNICATION at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: DR B KARAM JUNE 2013 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It has been a long and difficult road to this high point in my studies. On it, I encountered some wonderful and very inspirational people who always encouraged me to forge ahead and never to give up. To each of you, I say thank you. To my supervisor Dr Beschara Karam, thanks for your patience and for always pushing me despite the hectic work and study schedules. Thanks to Mr Brett Ward for helping with the editing. My gratitude also extends to the University of South Africa and its friendly staff (Mr Dawie Malan and Mrs Soekie Van Gass) for always being available to endure my incessant queries. To the university, again a huge thank you for the bursary funds; and for making it possible to pursue this Masters degree. To my mum and my late dad, this is especially for you. Thank you for the great values of simplicity, perseverance and hard work that you both instilled in me. In the same vein, thank you to my brothers Neresh and Navin; sister Pravitha; cousin Deepak and his wife Linda; colleagues Vuyo Madanda, Aasra Bramdeo and Kitso Kgaboesele and friends Susan Booysen, Nivashia Ramsaroop, Shevaal Singh and Reuben Moodley for your unending motivation. A special thanks to former manager, Izak Minnaar and present manager, Nomazulu Mda, for giving me the space to explore this passion for politics; and communication science. Finally, without God nothing is possible! ABSTRACT This thesis examines the political public relations campaign of the Democratic Alliance in the 2009 elections in order to explain the party’s performance in these elections. The research is premised on John Petrocik’s (1996) issue ownership theory. A number of quantitative and qualitative content analyses were conducted to provide answers to the main research questions. These involved: the party’s 286 media releases; party leader Helen Zille’s 2009 campaign speeches; and Zille’s Facebook platform. Results revealed that although the DA demonstrated extreme political resilience amidst fierce challenges in the 2009 elections, the party primarily campaigned on an anti-ANC ticket and a fair amount of negative advertising against the governing party to win itself votes. Not only did the party fail to “associate” itself with real issues affecting South African voters—especially the poor Black African majority which constitutes the largest voting bloc—it failed to pronounce itself clearly on other issues. Instead, the party attached itself to a multitude of shared issues, often “trespassing” on issues of common concern not necessarily “owned” by any one political party. This study also deduced that while Facebook facilitated public opinion on the DA in the 2009 elections, it still could not be regarded as a genuine public sphere in the South African context. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE NUMBER 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Context of the problem 1 1.3 Background to the problem 3 1.4 Statement of the problem 8 1.5 Purpose of the study 8 1.6 Research questions 9 1.7 Importance of the study 10 1.8 Scope of the study 12 1.9 Delimitations and limitations 13 1.10 Chapter outline 15 1.11 Conclusion 15 2 CHAPTER TWO: METHODOLOGY 16 2.1 Introduction 16 2.2 Goals and objectives of study 16 2.3 Research method and design 17 2.4 The quantitative paradigm 19 2.5 Creating the measuring instrument, the coding rubric 19 2.6 Research questions 22 2.7 Researcher’s role 23 2.8 Data collection 24 2.9 Quantitative content analysis of the DA’s 286 media releases 25 2.10 Quantitative content analysis of Helen Zille’s 27 Facebook posts 26 2.11 Quantitative content analysis of Helen Zille’s campaign speeches 29 2.12 Sampling methods 29 2.13 Data analysis 30 2.14 Pilot study / studies 30 2.15 Limitations and demarcations 33 2.16 The qualitative paradigm 34 2.17 Research questions 35 2.18 Researcher’s role 36 2.19 Data collection 36 2.20 Sampling methods 37 2.21 Data analysis 37 2.22 The narrative 37 2.23 Limitations and demarcations 38 2.24 Feasibility of study 38 2.25 Conclusion 40 3 CHAPTER THREE: LITERATURE REVIEW 41 3.1 Section One: Introduction 41 3.2 Ideology 41 3.3 Political communication 45 3.4 The public sphere and public opinion 48 3.4.1 Genesis and eventual decline of the public sphere 51 3.4.2 Institutional criteria and assumptions for a public sphere to exist 54 3.4.3 Observed criticisms of Habermas’ public sphere 55 3.4.4 A new public sphere 60 3.5 Web campaigning 62 3.5.1 Campaigning using the World Wide Web 63 3.5.2 Web campaigning, its benefits and disadvantages 67 3.6 Social networking sites 71 3.7 Political advertising 77 3.7.1 Paid advertising and free advertising 79 3.7.2 Brief history of political advertising 81 3.7.3 Political advertising and the South African angle 83 3.7.4 Social networking sites and political advertising 83 3.8 Political public relations 85 3.8.1 Political marketing 88 3.8.2 The four ‘p’s’ of marketing 90 3.9 Conclusion: Section One 91 3.10 Section Two: The DA’s previous electoral campaigns and performance 91 3.11 Introduction to voting theories and “Issue ownership theory” 95 3.11.1 John Petrocik’s “Issue ownership theory” 99 3.11.2 Sources of issue ownership 102 3.11.3 The median voter according to Petrocik (1996) 104 3.11.4 Saliency, the media’s role in issue ownership and issue convergence 106 3.11.5 Trespassing on owned issues 111 3.11.6 Criticisms of “issue ownership theory” 113 3.12 Conclusion: Section Two 118 4 CHAPTER FOUR: PROFILE OF THE DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE 120 4.1 Introduction 120 4.2 A brief background of the Democratic Alliance (DA) 120 4.3 Profile of the typical DA supporter 122 4.4 An introduction into the DA’s 2009 political public relations (PR) campaign 123 4.5 An overview of the DA’s 2009 political PR campaign 124 4.5.1 Political television advertising permitted for the 2009 election 126 4.5.2 The absence of debate in the 2009 elections 129 4.5.3 The DA and its use of social networking in 2009 130 4.5.4 Capturing the youth vote in the 2009 election 131 4.5.5 Helen Zille’s image management exercise 134 4.6 Conclusion 141 5 CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS 142 5.1 Introduction 142 5.2 Results of quantitative studies 142 5.2.1 Quantitative content analysis of the DA’s 286 media releases 143 5.2.2 Quantitative content analysis of Helen Zille’s Facebook posts 149 5.2.2.1 Discussion of Helen Zille’s Facebook posts 149 5.2.3 Quantitative content analysis of Helen Zille’s campaign speeches 151 5.2.3.1 Discussion of Helen Zille’s campaign speeches 160 5.3 Qualitative content analysis of Helen Zille’s Facebook page 161 5.3.1 Discussion of Facebook conversations 175 5.3.2 Helen Zille’s Facebook page…a public sphere? 179 5.4 Research outcomes from the content analyses 182 5.5 Conclusion 198 6 CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION 199 6.1 Introduction 199 6.2 Limitations 199 6.3 Recommendations 200 6.4 Chapter outline 203 6.5 Research questions 204 6.6 Conclusion 208 SOURCES CONSULTED 215 APPENDICES 265 Appendix A: 2009 Election results and analysis 265 Appendix B: Categories developed for the three quantitative content analyses 268 Appendix C: Instructions for content analysis pilot study 275 Appendix D: The DA’s media releases 1 January 2009 – 30 April 2009 287 Appendix E: Helen Zille’s Facebook posts 1 January 2009 – 30 April 2009 288 Appendix F: Categories, likes and comments on Helen Zille’s 27 Facebook posts from 1 January 2009 - 30 April 2009 289 Appendix G: Category-coding combinations in Helen Zille’s 20 speeches 291 Appendix H: ANC media releases frequencies by month 293 Appendix I: The DA’s coding combinations for its 286 media releases 294 Appendix J: Coding breakdown for Helen Zille’s speeches 301 Appendix K: Questions for DA CEO Jonathan Moakes 308 Appendix L: History of the Democratic Alliance 315 Appendix M: The DA’s new logo compared to Barack Obama’s 2008 election logo 316 Appendix N: Census 2011 data on Internet connectivity 317 Appendix O: Census 2011 data on first language profile 318 Appendix P: The DA’s “Know Your DA” campaign 319 Appendix Q: How the DA is using Twitter 320 LIST OF FIGURES PAGE NUMBER Figure 2.1 DA Facebook front panel 26 Figure 3.1 The different types of political advertising 81 Figure 5.1 DA’s media releases top nine categories identified 143 Figure 5.2 Results of 21 categories by monthly breakdown 145 Figure 5.3 Categories identified in Helen Zille’s campaign speeches 152 Figure 5.4 Sample of user comments on Facebook 164 Figure 5.5 Sample of DA support on Facebook 169 Figure 5.6 Facebook Diaspora conversations 170 Figure 5.7 DA posts on Election Day posts 173 LIST OF ACRONYMS ACDP African Christian Democratic Party AIC African Independent Congress ANC African National Congress ANCYL ANC Youth League APC African Peoples' Convention AZAPO Azanian People's Organisation BBC British Broadcasting Corporation CEO Chief Executive Officer COPE Congress of the People DA Democratic Alliance DASO Democratic Alliance Students Organisation DIRCO Department of International Relations and Co-operation DP Democratic Party EC Eastern Cape FEDUSA Federation of Unions of South Africa FS Free State FF+ Freedom Front Plus GMAIL Google Mail GP Gauteng HSRC Human Sciences Research Council IDASA Institute for Democracy in South Africa ID Independent Democrats IEC Independent Electoral Commission IFP Inkatha Freedom Party IJR Institute for Justice and Reconciliation IOT Issue ownership theory
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