Table Of Content

An ESSAY towards the Present and Future Peace of Europe D, by the Establishment of an European P, E or () BeatiPacifici.CedantArmaTogae1 TotheREADER. Reader, I HAVE undertaken a Subject that I am very sensible requires one of more sufficiencythanIamMasteroftotreatit,as,inTruth,itdeserves,andthe groaning State of Europe calls for; but since Bunglers may stumble upon the Game,aswellasMasters,thoughitbelongstotheSkilfultohuntandcatchit,I hopethisEssaywillnotbechargeduponmeforaFault,ifitappeartobeneither ChimericalnorInjurious,andmayprovokeablerPenstoimproveandperform theDesignwithbetterJudgmentandSuccess.IwillsaynomoreinExcuseofmy self,forthisUndertaking,butthatitistheFruitofmysolicitousThoughts,for thePeaceof Europe,andtheymustwantCharityasmuchastheWorldneeds Quiet,tobeoffendedwithmeforsoPacifickaProposal.Letthemcensuremy ManagementsotheyprosecutetheAdvantageoftheDesign;for’tilltheMille- naryDoctrinebeaccomplished,thereisnothingappearstomesobeneficialan ExpedienttothePeaceandHappinessofthisQuarteroftheWorld. .Blessedarethepeacemakers(Matthew:);Letarmsyieldtothetoga(refersto theRomancustomofgeneralslayingdowntheirswordsandtakingupthetogaupon enteringRome,asasymbolofsettingasidetheirmilitarycommandandenteringinto theircivicrole). {}       An ESSAY towards the Present and Future P of EUROPE, &c. Sect. I. Of PEACE, and it’s Advantages. H EMUSTnotbeaMan,butaStatueofBrassorStone,whoseBowelsdo notmeltwhenhebeholdsthebloodyTragediesofthisWar,inHungary, Germany,Flanders,Ireland,andatSea.TheMortalityofsicklyandlanguish- ingCampsandNavies,andthemightyPreytheDevouringWindsandWaves havemadeuponShipsandMensince.2AndasthiswithReasonoughtto affecthumanNature,anddeeplyKindred,sothereissomethingverymoving thatbecomesprudentMentoconsider,andthatisthevastChargethathas accompaniedthatBlood,andwhichmakesnomeanPartoftheseTragedies; EspeciallyiftheydeliberateupontheuncertaintyoftheWar,thattheyknow not howor when it will end, and that the Expence cannot be less, and the Hazardisasgreatasbefore.SothatintheContrariesofPeaceweseetheBeau- tiesandBenefitsof it;whichunderit,suchistheUnhappinessof Mankind, wearetooapttonauseate,asthefullStomachloathstheHoney-Comb;and likethatunfortunateGentleman,thathavingafineandagoodWomantohis Wife, and searching his Pleasure in forbidden and less agreeable Company, said,whenreproach’dwithhisNeglectof betterEnjoyments,Thathecould lovehisWifeofallWomen,ifshewerenothisWife,tho’thatincreasedhisObli- gationtopreferher.ItisagreatMarkoftheCorruptionofourNatures,and whatoughttohumbleusextremely,andexcitetheExerciseofourReasontoa noblerandjusterSense,thatwecannotseetheUseandPleasureofourCom- fortsbutbytheWantofthem.AsifwecouldnottastetheBenefitofHealth, butbytheHelpofSickness;norunderstandtheSatisfactionofFulnesswith- outtheInstructionof Want;nor,finally,knowtheComfortof Peacebutby theSmartandPenanceoftheVicesofWar:AndwithoutDisputethatisnot theleastReasonthatGodispleasedtoChastiseussofrequentlywithit.What canwedesirebetterthanPeace,buttheGracetouseit?Peacepreservesour Possessions;WeareinnoDangerofInvasions:OurTradeisfreeandsafe,and .EnglandunderWilliamIIIwasatwaralmostconstantlyinopposingJamesII’s attemptstoretakethethroneandinheadingaGrandAllianceagainstFrance.        {} weriseandlyedownwithoutAnxiety.TheRichbringouttheirHoards,and employthepoorManufacturers:BuildingsanddiversProjections,forProfit andPleasure,goon:ItexcitesIndustry,whichbringsWealth,asthatgivesthe MeansofCharityandHospitality,notthelowestOrnamentsofaKingdom orCommonwealth.ButWar,liketheFrostof,seizesalltheseComfortsat once, and stops the civil Channel of Society.The Rich draw in their Stock, the Poor turn Soldiers, orThieves, or Starve: No Industry, no Building, no Manufactury,littleHospitalityorCharity;butwhatthePeacegave,theWar devours.IneedsaynomoreuponthisHead,whentheAdvantagesofPeace, and Mischiefs of Warare so manyand sensible to every Capacity underall Governments, as eitherof them prevails. I shall proceed to the next Point. WhatisthebestMeansof Peace,whichwillconducemuchtoopenmyWay towhatIhavetopropose. Sect. II. Of the Means of Peace, which is Justice rather than War. A S JUSTICE is a Preserver, so it is a better Procurerof Peace thanWar. Tho’ Pax quaeritur bello, be an usual Saying, Peace is the End of War, andassuchitwastakenupbyO.C.forhisMotto:3YettheUsegenerallymade ofthatexpressionshewsus,thatproperlyandtrulyspeaking,Menseektheir WillsbyWarratherthanPeace,andthatastheywillviolateittoobtainthem, so they will hardly be brought to think of Peace, unless their Appetites be someWaygratified.IfwelookovertheStoriesofallTimes,weshallfindthe AggressorsgenerallymovedbyAmbition;thePrideofConquestandGreat- nessofDominionmorethanRight.ButasthoseLeviathansappearrarelyin theWorld,soIshallanonendeavourtomakeitevidenttheyhadneverbeen abletodevourthePeaceoftheWorld,andingrosswholeCountriesasthey havedone,iftheProposalIhavetomakefortheBenefitofourpresentAge hadbeentheninPractice.TheAdvantagethatJusticehasuponWarisseenby theSuccessofEmbassies,thatsooftenpreventWarbyhearingthePleasand MemorialsofJusticeintheHandsandMouthsoftheWrongedParty.Perhaps .OliverCromwell. {}       itmaybeinagoodDegreeowingtoReputationorPoverty,orsomeparticu- larInterestorConveniencyofPrincesandStates,asmuchasJustice;butitis certain, that asWarcannot in any Sense be justified, but uponWrongs re- ceived,andRight,uponComplaint,refused;sotheGeneralityof Warshave theirRisefromsomesuchPretension.Thisisbetterseenandunderstoodat Home; for that which prevents a Civil War in a Nation, is that which may prevent it Abroad, viz. Justice; and we seewhere that is notablyobstructed, War is Kindled between the Magistrates and People in particular Kingdoms andStates;which,howeveritmaybeunlawfulontheSideofthePeople,we seeneverfailstofollow,andoughttogivethesameCautiontoPrincesasif itweretheRightofthePeopletodoit:Tho’Imustneedssay,theRemedyis almosteverworsethantheDisease:TheAggressorsseldomgettingwhatthey seek,orperforming,iftheyprevail,whattheypromised.AndtheBloodand Poverty that usuallyattend the Enterprize, weigh more on Earth, as well as inHeaven,thanwhattheylostorsuffered,orwhattheygetbyendeavouring to mend their Condition, comes to: Which Disappointment seems to be the Voiceof Heaven,andJudgmentofGodagainstthoseviolentAttempts.But toreturn,Isay,JusticeistheMeansofPeace,betwixttheGovernmentandthe People,andoneManandCompanyandanother.ItpreventsStrife,andatlast endsit:ForbesidesShameorFear,tocontendlonger,heortheybeingunder Government,areconstrainedtoboundtheirDesiresandResentmentwiththe SatisfactiontheLawgives.ThusPeaceismaintain’dbyJustice,whichisaFruit ofGovernment,asGovernment,isfromSociety,andSocietyfromConsent. Sect. III. GOVERNMENT, it’s Rise and End under all Models. G OVERNMENTisanExpedientagainstConfusion;aRestraintuponall Disorder;JustWeightsandanevenBallance:Thatonemaynotinjure another,norhimself,byIntemperance. ThiswasatfirstwithoutControversie,Patrimonial,andupontheDeathof theFatherorHeadoftheFamily,theeldestSon,orMaleof Kinsucceeded. ButTimebreakinginuponthisWayofGoverning,astheWorldmultiply’d, itfellunderotherClaimsandForms;andisashardtotracetoit’sOriginal, asaretheCopieswehaveofthefirstWritingsofSacredorCivilMatters.Itis        {} certainthemostNaturalandHumanisthatofConsent,forthatbindsfreely (asImaysay)whenMenholdtheirLibertybytrueObediencetoRulesoftheir ownmaking.NoManisJudgeinhisownCause,whichendstheConfusion andBloodofsomanyJudgesandExecutioners.ForoutofSocietyeveryMan is his own King, does what he lists, at his own Peril: But when he comes to incorporatehimself,hesubmitsthatRoyaltytotheConveniencyoftheWhole, from whom he receives the Returns of Protection. So that he is not now his ownJudgenorAvenger,neitherishisAntagonist,buttheLaw,inindifferent Handsbetweenboth.AndifhebeServanttoothersthatbeforewasfree,heis alsoservedofothersthatformerlyowedhimnoObligation.Thuswhileweare notourown,everyBodyisours,andwegetmorethanwelose,theSafetyof theSocietybeingtheSafetyoftheParticularsthatconstituteit.Sothatwhile weseemtosubmitto,andholdallwehavefromSociety,itisbySocietythat wekeepwhatwehave. GovernmentthenisthePreventionorCureofDisorder,andtheMeansof Justice, as that is of Peace: For this Cause they have Sessions,Terms, Assizes andParliaments,toover-ruleMen’sPassionsandResentments,thattheymay notbeJudgesintheirownCause,norPunishersoftheirownWrongs,which asitisveryincidenttoMenintheirCorruptState,so,forthatReason,they would observe no Measure; noron the other Hand would any be easily re- ducedtotheirDuty.NotthatMenknownotwhatisright,theirExcesses,and whereintheyaretoblame:bynoMeans;nothingisplainertothem:Butso depravedisHumanNature,thatwithoutCompulsion,someWayorother,too manywouldnotreadilybebroughttodowhattheyknowisrightandfit,or avoidwhattheyaresatisfy’dtheyshouldnotdo:Whichbringsmeneartothe PointIhaveundertaken;andforthebetterUnderstandingofwhich,Ihave thusbrieflytreatedofPeace,JusticeandGovernment,asanecessaryIntroduc- tion,becausetheWaysandMethodsbywhichPeaceispreservedinparticu- larGovernments,willhelpthoseReaders,mostconcernedinmyProposal,to conceivewith what Ease as well as Advantage the Peace of Europe might be procuredandkept;whichistheEnddesignedbyme,withallSubmissionto thoseInterestedinthislittleTreatise. {}       Sect. IV. Of a General Peace, or the Peace of Europe, and the Means of it. I N MY firstSection,IshewedtheDesirablenessof Peace;inmynext,the TruestMeansofit;towit,Justice,NotWar.Andinmylast,thatthisJustice wastheFruitofGovernment,asGovernmentitselfwastheResultofSociety; whichfirstcamefromaReasonableDesigninMenofPeace.NowiftheSov- eraignPrincesofEurope,whorepresentthatSociety,orIndependentStateof MenthatwasprevioustotheObligationsofSociety,would,forthesameRea- son that engaged Men first into Society, viz. Love of Peace and Order, agree to meet by their Stated Deputies in a General Dyet, Estates, or Parliament, and there Establish Rules of Justice for Soveraign Princes to observe one to another;andthustomeetYearly,oronceinTwoorThreeYearsatfarthest, orastheyshallseeCause,andtobeStiled,TheSoveraignorImperialDyet, Parliament,orStateof Europe;beforewhichSoveraignAssembly,shouldbe broughtallDifferencesdependingbetweenoneSoveraignandanother,that cannotbemadeupbyprivateEmbassies,beforetheSessionsbegins;andthat ifanyoftheSoveraigntiesthatConstitutetheseImperialStates,shallrefuseto submittheirClaimorPretensionstothem,ortoabideandperformtheJudg- mentthereof,andseektheirRemedybyArms,ordelaytheirCompliancebe- yondtheTimeprefixtintheirResolutions,alltheotherSoveraignties,United asOneStrength,shallcompeltheSubmissionandPerformanceoftheSen- tence,withDamagestotheSufferingParty,andChargestotheSoveraignties thatobligedtheirSubmission:TobesureEuropewouldquietlyobtaintheso muchdesiredandneededPeace,toHerharrassedInhabitants;noSoveraignty inEurope,havingthePower,andthereforecannotshowtheWilltodispute theConclusion;and,consequently,Peacewouldbeprocured,andcontinued inEurope. Sect. V. Of the Causes of Difference, and Motives to Violate Peace. T HEREappearstomebutThreeThingsuponwhichPeaceisbroken,viz. ToKeep,toRecover,ortoAdd.First,ToKeepwhatisOne’sRight,from theInvasionofanEnemy;inwhichIampurelyDefensive.Secondly,ToRe-        {} cover,whenIthinkmyselfStrongenough,thatwhichbyViolence,I,ormy Ancestorshavelost,bytheArmsofaStrongerPower;inwhichIamOffensive: Or,Lastly,ToincreasemyDominionbytheAcquisitionofmyNeighbour’s Countries,asIfindthemWeak,andmyselfStrong.TogratifywhichPassion, therewill never want some Accident orother fora Pretence: And knowing myownStrength,IwillbemyownJudgeandCarver.ThisLastwillfindno RoomintheImperialStates:TheyareanunpassableLimittothatAmbition. ButtheotherTwomaycomeassoonastheyplease,andfindtheJusticeofthat Soveraign Court. And considering how few there are of those Sons of Prey, and howearly they show themselves, it may be not once in an Age orTwo, thisExpeditionbeingEstablished,theBallancecannotwellbebroken. Sect. VI. Of Titles, upon which those Differences may arise. B UT I easily foresee a Question that may be answered in ourWay, and thatisthis;WhatisRight?OrelsewecanneverknowwhatisWrong:It is very fit that this should be Established. But that is fitter for the Soveraign Statestoresolvethanme.AndyetthatImayleadaWaytotheMatter,Isay thatTitleiseitherbyalongandundoubtedSuccession,astheCrownsofSpain, FranceandEngland;orbyElection,astheCrownofPoland,andtheEmpire; or by Marriage, as the Familyof the Stewarts came by England; the Elector ofBrandenburgh,totheDutchyofCleve;andwe,inAncientTime,todivers Placesabroad;orbyPurchase,ashathbeenfrequentlydoneinItalyandGer- many;orbyConquest,astheTurkinChristendom,theSpaniardsinFlanders, formerlymostlyintheFrenchHands;andtheFrenchinBurgundy,Normandy, Lorrain,French-County,&c.Thislast,Titleis,MorallySpeaking,onlyQues- tionable.IthasindeedobtainedaPlaceamongtheRollsofTitles,butitwas engross’d and recorded by the Point of the Sword, and in Bloody Charac- ters.Whatcannotbecontrouledorresisted,mustbesubmittedto;butallthe WorldknowstheDateofthelengthofsuchEmpires,andthattheyexpirewith the Powerof the Possessor to defend them. And yet there is a little allowed to Conquest to, when it has the Sanction of Articles of Peace to confirm it: Tho’thathathnotalwaysextinguishedtheFire,butitlies,likeEmbersunder Ashes,readytokindlesosoonasthereisafitMatterpreparedforit.Never- theless, when Conquest has been confirmed byaTreaty, and Conclusion of {}       Peace,ImustconfessitisanAdoptedTitle;andifnotsoGenuineandNatu- ral,yetbeingengrafted,itisfedbythatwhichistheSecurityofBetterTitles, Consent.ThereisbutoneThingmoretobementionedinthisSection,and thatisfromwhatTimeTitlesshalltaketheirBeginning,orhowfarbackwe maylooktoconfirmordisputethem.Itwouldbeveryboldandinexcusable inme,todeterminesotenderaPoint,butbeitmoreorlessTime,astothe lastGeneralPeaceatNimeguen,4ortothecommencingofthisWar,ortothe TimeoftheBeginningoftheTreatyofPeace,ImustsubmitittotheGreatPre- tendersandMastersinthatAffair.ButsomethingeveryBodymustbewilling togiveorquit,thathemaykeeptherest,andbythisEstablishment,befor everfreedoftheNecessityoflosingmore. Sect. VII. Of the Composition of these Imperial States. T HECompositionandProportionofthisSoveraignPart,orImperialState, does,atthefirstLook,seemtocarrywithitnosmallDifficultywhatVotes toallowfortheInequalityofthePrincesandStates.ButwithSubmissionto betterJudgments,Icannotthinkitinvincible:Forifitbepossibletohavean EstimateoftheYearlyValueoftheseveralSoveraignCountries,whoseDele- gatesaretomakeupthisAugustAssembly,theDeterminationoftheNumber ofPersonsorVotesintheStatesforeverySoveraignty,willnotbeimpracti- cable.NowthatEngland,France,Spain,theEmpire,&c.maybeprettyexactly estimated, is so plain a Case, byconsidering the Revenue of Lands, the Ex- portsandEntriesattheCustom-Houses,theBooksofRates,andSurveysthat areinallGovernments,toproportionTaxesfortheSupportofthem,thatthe leastInclinationtothePeaceof Europe,willnotstandorhaltatthisObjec- tion.Iwill,withPardononallSides,giveanInstancefarfromExact;nordo Ipretendtoit,orofferitforanEstimate;forIdoitatRandom:Onlythis, aswideasitisfromtheJustProportion,willgivesomeAimtomyJudicious Reader,whatIwouldbeat:Remembring,IdesignnotbyanyComputation, an Estimate from the Revenue of the Prince, but theValue of theTerritory, theWholebeingconcernedaswellasthePrince.AndaJusterMeasureitisto .TheTreatyofNimeguenterminatedthecontinentalwarin.        {} goby,sinceonePrincemayhavemoreRevenuethananother,whohasmuch aRicherCountry:Tho’intheInstanceIamnowabouttomake,theCaution isnotsoNecessary,because,asIsaidbefore,IpretendtonoMannerofEx- actness,butgowhollybyGuess,beingbutforExample’sSake.Isupposethe EmpireofGermanytosendTwelve;France,Ten;Spain,Ten;Italy,whichcomes to France, Eight; England, Six; Portugal, Three; Sweedland, Four; Denmark, Three; Poland, Four; Venice, Three; the Seven Provinces, Four; TheThirteen Cantons, and little Neighbouring Soveraignties, Two; Dukedoms of Holstein andCourland,One:AndiftheTurksandMuscovitesaretakenin,asseemsbut fitandjust,theywillmakeTenaPiecemore.TheWholemakesNinety.Agreat PresencewhentheyrepresenttheFourth;andnowtheBestandWealthiestPart oftheKnownWorld;whereReligionandLearning,CivilityandArtshavetheir SeatandEmpire.Butitisnotabsolutelynecessarythereshouldbealwaysso manyPersons,torepresentthelargerSoveraignties;fortheVotesmaybegiven byoneManofanySoveraignty,aswellasbyTenorTwelve:Tho’thefullerthe AssemblyofStatesis,themoreSolemn,Effectual,andFreetheDebateswill be,andtheResolutionsmustneedscomewithgreaterAuthority.ThePlace oftheirFirstSessionshouldbeCentral,asmuchasispossible,afterwardsas theyagree. Sect. VIII. Of the Regulation of the Imperial States in Session. T O AVOID QuarrelforPrecedency,theRoommaybeRound,andhave diversDoorstocomeinandgooutat,topreventExceptions.Ifthewhole NumberbecastintoTens,eachchusingOne,theymaypresidebyTurns,to whomallSpeechesshouldbeaddressed,andwhoshouldcollecttheSenseof theDebates,andstatetheQuestionforaVote,which,inmyOpinion,should be by the Ballot, after the Prudent and Commendable Method of the Vene- tians:5WhichinagreatDegree,preventstheillEffectsofCorruption;because ifanyoftheDelegatesofthatHighandMightyEstatescouldbesoVile,False, andDishonourable,astobeinfluencedbyMoney,theyhavetheAdvantage .TheVenetianballotingsystem,designedtomakecorruptionimpossible,consisted ofaseriesofvotesinvolvingdrawnlotsandcoloredballs.SeeGeorgeB.McClellan,The OligarchyofVenice(Boston,),pp.–. {}       oftakingtheirMoneythatwillgiveitthem,andof Votingundiscoveredto the Interest of their Principals, and their own Inclinations; as they that do understandtheBallotingBoxdoverywellknow.AShrewdStratagem,andan ExperimentalRemedyagainstCorruption,atleastCorrupting:Forwhowill givetheirMoneywheretheymaysoeasilybeCozened,andwhereitisTwoto Onetheywillbeso;fortheythatwilltakeMoneyinsuchCases,willnotstick to Lye heartily to them that give it, rather than wrong their Country, when theyknowtheirLyecannotbedetected. Itseemstome,thatnothinginthisImperialParliamentshouldpass,but byThreeQuartersoftheWhole,atleastSevenabovetheBallance.Iamsure ithelpstopreventTreachery,becauseifMoneycouldeverbeaTemptationin suchaCourt,itwouldcostagreatDealofMoneytoweighdownthewrong Scale.AllComplaintsshouldbedeliveredinWriting,intheNatureofMemo- rials;andJournalskeptbyaproperPerson,inaTrunkorChest,whichshould haveasmanydifferingLocks,asthereareTensintheStates.Andiftherewere aClerkforeachTen,andaPeworTableforthoseClerksintheAssembly;and at the End of every Session, One out of eachTen, were appointed to Exam- ineandComparetheJournalofthoseClerks,andthenlockthemupasIhave before expressed, it would be clear and Satisfactory. And each Soveraignty iftheyplease,asisbutveryfit,mayhaveanExemplification,orCopyofthe saidMemorials,andtheJournalsof Proceedingsuponthem.TheLibertyand Rules of Speech, to be sure, they cannot fail in, who will be the Wisest and NoblestofeachSoveraignty,forit’sownHonourandSafety.IfanyDifference canarisebetweenthosethatcomefromthesameSoveraignty,thatthenOne oftheMajorNumberdogivetheBallsofthatSoveraignty.Ishouldthinkit extreamly necessary, that every Soveraignty should be present under great Penalties,andthatnoneleavetheSessionwithoutLeave,tillAllbefinished; andthatNeutralitiesinDebatesshouldbynoMeansbeendured:Foranysuch LatitudewillquicklyopenaWaytounfairProceedings,andbefollowedby aTrain,bothofseen,andunseenInconveniencies.IwillsaylittleoftheLan- guageinwhichtheSessionoftheSoveraignEstatesshouldbeheld,buttobe sureitmustbeinLatinorFrench;ThefirstwouldbeverywellforCivilians, butthelastmosteasieforMenofQuality.