Detachment from conventional agriculture in rural Japan: An analysis of embedded antifragility in satoyama communities Daniel Hesby Mathé Master thesis in Human Geography Institute of Sociology and Human Geography University of Oslo May 2013 2 © Daniel Hesby Mathé 2013 Detachment from conventional agriculture in rural Japan: An analysis of embedded antifragility in satoyama communities http://www.duo.uio.no/ 3 4 Acknowledgments First, I wish to thank my supervisor Erling Christiansen for his support throughout the process from idea to end result, and for the many rewarding and inspiring conversations over the past two years. He is the best teacher a student can hope to have. The field study would have not been the same without the huge help, kindness and effort from my hosts Shiho and Taku Yamada and the rest of the Satoyama Experience. They made my stay comfortable, interesting and memorable. I am also grateful for the great effort made by Takafumi Yamamoto during my days in Tanekura and in Hida-Furukawa as my interpreter and attendant. I wish him the very best with his newly started organic farm. The project would not have been possible without the cooperation of my informants, and I am very grateful for their time and insights. Finally, I would like to thank my lovely wife for her continuous encouragement and helpful critical questions during this project. Daniel Hesby Mathé Oslo, 17 May 2013. 5 6 Table of Contents: Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 9 Motivations ................................................................................................................................... 9 Research question and rationale ....................................................................................... 10 Itinerary ...................................................................................................................................... 11 1. Background .................................................................................................................. 13 1.1 Livelihoods on a volatile archipelago ........................................................................ 13 1.2 Satoyama – living with nature on the volatile landmass ..................................... 14 1.2.1 Satoyama areas and practices .............................................................................................. 15 1.2.2 Nature and satoyama ............................................................................................................... 16 1.2.3 Satoyama as a bridge between humans and nature in Japan ................................. 17 1.2.4 Current issues regarding satoyama areas ....................................................................... 18 1.3 The sun rises – Japan’s metamorphosis into a westernised, industrial nation ........................................................................................................................................................ 19 1.3.1 Industrialisation, economic growth and the farmer ................................................... 20 1.3.2 The sky is the limit – agriculture in the post-‐war years ............................................ 21 1.3.3 The limit is the sky – the downfall of the traditional countryside ........................ 22 1.3.4 Nōkyō – Japan’s agricultural cooperative/finance multinational ......................... 23 1.4 The Hida region ................................................................................................................. 25 1.4.1 Tanekura village ......................................................................................................................... 27 2. Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................... 31 2.1 Neo-‐classical economics – rational incentives through scarcity ...................... 32 2.1.1 The foundations for neoclassical thinking ...................................................................... 33 2.1.2 Scarce resources and the need for centralised planning .......................................... 34 2.1.3 Incentives driven by scarcity – the economic man and his actions ..................... 35 2.1.4 Neo-‐classical understandings of geography ................................................................... 37 2.1.5 Nature in neoclassical economics – unregulated scarcity ........................................ 38 2.2 Critiques of neoclassical theories ............................................................................... 40 2.2.1 Institutional economics ........................................................................................................... 40 2.2.2 Social capital ................................................................................................................................. 45 2.2.3 Political ecology – challenging the apolitical ................................................................. 46 2.2.4 Antifragility – embracing natural disorder and benefitting from it ..................... 50 3. Methods ......................................................................................................................... 54 7 3.1 Qualitative research ........................................................................................................ 54 3.2 Direction of the research ............................................................................................... 56 3.3 A case study ........................................................................................................................ 57 3.4 Fieldwork and collection of data ................................................................................. 58 3.4.1 Fieldwork in Hida-‐Furukawa and the village of Tanekura ...................................... 60 3.4.2 Kanazawa and Komatsu – Satoyama international training programme ......... 63 3.4.3 Other aspects of my fieldwork ............................................................................................. 64 3.5 Validity of my generalisations ...................................................................................... 66 4. Analysis ......................................................................................................................... 68 4.1 Existence of satoyama – real or symbolic, organic or subsidised? .................. 69 4.1.1 Satoyama as an ecological myth, a symbol of the real Japan ................................... 69 4.1.2 The “real” and marketable satoyama ................................................................................ 70 4.1.3 Satoyama in practice – insights from the ground ........................................................ 72 4.2 Actors and institutions in a satoyama ....................................................................... 74 4.2.1 Fencing out nature .................................................................................................................... 75 4.2.2 Aging, depopulation and the consequences for satoyama ....................................... 76 4.2.3 Less need for money (i.e. debt) in a satoyama .............................................................. 79 4.2.4 Past and present in Tanekura – the villagers’ perspective ...................................... 80 4.2.5 The future of satoyama – through the eyes of the community in Tanekura .... 87 4.2.6 Insights from Takigahara – using the local knowledge ............................................. 89 4.3 The outlook for satoyama .............................................................................................. 90 4.3.1 Increasing fragility in satoyama areas .............................................................................. 90 4.3.2 More focus on the countryside and satoyama in Japan ............................................. 93 4.4 Protecting satoyama – insights from economic geography ................................ 96 5. Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 99 5.1 Sources of fragility in a satoyama and their effects .............................................. 99 5.2 Critical reflections .......................................................................................................... 102 5.3 Significance and future challenges ........................................................................... 103 References ....................................................................................................................... 104 Appendix – interview guides .................................................................................... 109 1. Interview guide for the villagers .................................................................................. 109 2. Interview guide for the department of economic affairs ..................................... 110 3. Interview guide for the agricultural department .................................................. 111 8 Introduction Motivations Finding solutions for a robust future are among the most important undertakings mankind has faced, and there are many proposed solutions ranging from conserving nature while building dense cities to building human settlements underwater. Many measures have been superimposed on a global scale and have often had limited effects, as the issues are complex and usually affect places differently. A local focus is therefore taken in this thesis to se the bottom-up measures in action. The idea for this thesis came to me while watching the documentary Satoyama: Japan’s Secret Forest1 about certain areas in Japan where people have lived in accord with nature for generations through adhering to specific land use practices. Having spent a semester at a Japanese university a few years back, and being quite used to the image of Japan as a technotopia with neon lights and skyscrapers, I was surprised to see a different side of Japan that seemed to thrive in this highly industrialised country. It is also a country with a materially wealthy and well-educated population, it has a low unemployment rate, but it is also a country where the urban areas have had a growing population and economic significance, at the expense of the rural regions and smaller, robust communities. This development has considerable consequences for the rural satoyama communities where the population is aging and generations of knowledge are at risk of disappearing. I firmly believe that important insights can be learned from the smallest places, in this age of the global. Studying how the communities and their members handle the changing social and economic environment are all reasons to undertake a qualitative study focusing on the actors in these satoyama communities and how they are affected by the changes in Japan. The analytical concept of antifragility is borrowed from Nassim Nicholas Taleb’s (2012) book Antifragile: How to Live in a World We Don’t Understand. He is a professor at the Polytechnic Institute of New York University in risk engineering and a former Wall Street trader. In the book he explains that something with 1 The documentary is available here: http://tv.nrk.no/program/koid20008810/japans-hemmelige-skog. 9 antifragile properties improves and gets better through constant exposure to shocks that force it to adapt, and antifragility is what makes complex systems resilient – much like evolutionary process in nature (Taleb 2012:6-9). Antifragility is also highly nonlinear, as causalities and precise effects are hard to measure. Something fragile does not fare well when exposed to outside shocks, whereas the antifragile in further strengthened. It is also in need of outside inputs and upkeep to function properly without the inputs contributing to making it antifragile. They only contribute to making it more fragile (Taleb 2012:11-3). In this thesis, antifragility is mostly ascribed to traditional agriculture and its significance in satoyama communities. It characterises the interactions with nature and resource use that have been institutionalised over many generations that allow the community to live robustly with nature. Taleb’s ideas might seem new, but share many of those found in institutional economics and in economic geography in that local institutions and knowledge play a vital part in for instance resource management, robust land use practices, innovation practices and more (Fløysand and Jakobsen 2010; Ostrom 1999; Taleb 2012). I will clarify these ideas and concepts further in chapter 2. Research question and rationale This thesis is about the robust satoyama communities in modern day Japan, more specifically their local institutional context regarding their agricultural practices and how that is affected by the changes that have happened in Japan over the past century. I started out with a relatively wide reaching theme concerning satoyama communities and how they have been affected by the many socio-economic changes that have taken place. This has allowed a more explorative study where the many discoveries made during the analysis have reshaped and rephrased my theme and refined it into a problem statement. I seek to analyze traditional agricultural practices and their modern equivalents, in what degree they are detached or attached to the input structures in conventional agriculture, and the effects of this attachment/detachment. My main research question is as follows: What are the sources of fragility in satoyama, and how do they affect the embedded antifragility in such areas and communities? 10
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