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AMERICAN JOURNALISM IN THIS ISSUE: •Promoting the Progressive Indian: Lee Harkins and The American Indian Magazine •James Lawrence Fly's Fight For a Free Marketplace of Ideas •Caro Brown and the Duke ofDuval: The Story ofthe First Woman to Win the Pulitzer Prize for Reporting •The Founding ofInvestigative Reporters and Editors, Inc. and the Arizona Project: The Most Significant Post- Watergate Development in U.S. Investigative Journalism •Foreign Embassies in the United States as Communist Propaganda Sources: 1945-1960 Volume 14 Number 1 Winter 1997 Publishedby TheAmericanJournalism Historians Association American Journalism Volume 14 Number Winter 1997 1 Published by The American Journalism Historians Association © Copyright 1997 American Journalism Historians Association EDITOR: Wallace B. Eberhard, Georgia. ASSOCIATE EDITORS: Pamela A. Brown, Rider; Richard Lentz, ArizonaState; Patricia Bradley, Temple. BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: David Spencer, University of Western Ontario ADVERTISING MANAGER: Alan R. Fried, University of South Carolina. ASSISTANT EDITOR: Amy Fuller, Georgia. FORMER EDITORS: William David Sloan, Alabama; Gary Whitby, EastTexas State; John Pauly, SaintLouis. EDITORIAL PURPOSE. The journal publishes articles, research notes, book reviews, and correspondence dealing with the history of journalism. Such contributions may focus on social, economic, intellectual, political, or legal issues. American Journalism also welcomes articles that treat the history ofcommunication in general; the history ofbroadcasting, advertising, and public relations; the history of media outside the United States; and theoretical issues in the literature or methods ofmedia history. SUBMISSIONS.Articles, research notes,and correspondence should be sent to ProfessorWallace B. Eberhard, Editor, College ofJournalism and Mass Communication, University of Georgia, Athens 30602-3018. Telephone: (706) 542-5033. FAX: (706) 542-4785. E-mail: [email protected]. Authors should send five copies of manuscripts submitted for publication as articles. American Journalism follows the style requirements ofthe Chicago Manual ofStyle, 14th ed. The maximum length for most manuscripts is twenty-five pages, not including tables and footnotes. All submissions are blind refereed by threereaders. The review process typically takes about three months. Manuscripts will be returned only if the author includes aself-addressed stampedenvelope. Research notes typically are four- to eight-page manuscripts, written with less formal documentation. Such notes, which are not blind refereed, may include reports of research in progress, discussion of methodology, annotations on new archival sources, commentaries on issues injournalism history, suggestions for future research, or response to material previously published in American Journalism. Authors who wish tocontribute research notes are invited toquery theeditor. (Continuedoninsidebackcover) American Journalism / Volume 14 Number 1 / Winter 1997 Volume 14 Number 1 Winter 1997 A M R C.\\ In This Issue: I- 1 JOURNALISM • From the Editor's Desk 2 • Articles : John M. Coward: Promoting the Progressive Indian: Lee Harkins and The American Indian Magazine 3 Mickie Edwardson: James Lawrence Fly's Fight for aFree Marketplace of Ideas 19 Robert Jones and Louis K. Falk: Caro Brown andthe Duke ofDuval: The Story ofthe FirstWoman to Win the Pulitzer Prize for Reporting 40 Maria Marron: The Founding ofInvestigative Reporters and Editors, Inc. and the Arizona Project: The Most Significant Post-Watergate Development in U.S. Investigative Journalism 54 Alex Nagy: Foreign Embassies in the United States as Communist Propaganda Sources: 1945-1960 76 • Essay Review: Rodger Streitmatter: Journalism History Goes Interactive at the Newseum 92 • Research Essay: John D. Stevens: The Black Press and the 1936 Olympics 97 American Journalism / Volume 14 Number 1 / Winter 1997 1996 Presidential Address: Thomas H. Heuterman: AJHA and Its Responsibility to the Future of Journalism 103 Book Reviews: Index 109 From the Editor's Desk... THE MAIL BRINGS US a petition seeking support. As prose, it's a bit long, buttheheadingtells thetale: "Torequirepurchaseofresearchbooks andjournals by libraries in universities receiving federal research funds." For those ofus in the academic trade, it seems a no brainer, though that's a dangerous assumption in this instance. The supporting information tells us that spending by Research I category universities has declined as a percentage of total spending while administrative expenditures haveedged upward. Meanwhile, the adventofnew information technology has not been fully realized because offailure to provide adequate resources, i.e., money. Noproblem so far. Unfortunately, this petition won't get our John Hancock unless they ch—ange the language emphasizing "scienceresearch"tomoreinclusivelanguage humanistic andyes, grudgingly perhaps, even social scienceresearch. No offense, biologists andphysicists, but whatgood is yourstuffwithoutours? &etc&etc&etc&etc&etc A tip of the green eyeshade to Professor Rodger Streitmatter of American University, an AJ contributor and reviewer and longtime AJHA member who took on the assignment of reviewing the new Freedom Forum Newseum in Arlington, Va., for ourreaders. It gives us akind ofnewsroom deadline rush to hold thepresses a day ortwo more and include his view of$50 million spent in the name of media history. This is a wild guess, but we doubt that the total spent thus far in the United States in public interpretation and preservation of mass communication history exceeds that amount. And, do we as media historians even have an inventory, list, or traveler's guide to places that do in even amodestway whatthe—Newseumdoeson agrandscale? — We hope someday soon as most of our readers probably do to stroll through the Newseum to get ourown sense ofthe project. In any event, a wave of the eyeshade and three cheers to the Freedom Forum for this substantial investment in interpreting the media's past to the museum goers ofthe nation's capital. WBE American Journalism / Volume 14 Number 1 / Winter 1997 Promoting the Progressive Indian: Lee Harkins and The American Indian Magazine By John M. Coward LeeHarkinsfoundedTheAmerican Indian topromoteaprogressiveNative American identity in Oklahomafrom 1926 to 1931. Harkins, a Choctaw- Chickasawman, definednativeprogress throughanidealizedIndianpast; paternalismtowardtraditionalIndians;pan-Indianism;andIndianmainstreaming into thedominantculture ofeducation, business, politicsandsociety. Buthe failedtosee thenegativesideofassimilationandTheAmerican Indian ignored the long-standingsocialandculturalproblemsoftraditionalIndians. The first page ofthe first issue of The American Indian in October 1926 included aphotographic portraitofoneman, formally posed in achairand adorned in his finest ceremonial dress. The man was ChiefBacon Rind, an Oklahoma Indian described on the magazine's coveras a "Nationally Known Osage Indian Character and Orator." As explained inside the magazine, the seventy-two-year-old chief was "perhaps the most picturesque Indian in the United States" and a skillful orator in his native tongue. Editor Lee Harkins, a young Oklahoma Choctaw-Chickasaw man who had a number of Osage supporters, seemed to view Bacon Rind as a link between the old ways ofthe native past and a fully assimilated, white-dominated future. Harkins wrote that Bacon Rind "remembers very vividly when they barely eked [sic] out a living in the Osage hills and streams." But, as Harkins made clear, progress in the form of"white man's culture" had come to the Indians ofOklahoma. "It has brought about a wonderful change in the last few years and is essential for the younger generation ofIndians," Bacon Rind told the youngeditor.1 Thus Harkins, outto 1. The American Indian, October 1926, 5. 4 Coward: Harkins and The American Indian make his mark in Native Americanjournalism, found an appropriate symbol for his progressive ideas in the image ofan aging Osagechief. Here was aman who embodied both pride in the past and a progressive spirit ofthe future, two ideas thatmotivated Harkins anddominated thepages ofTheAmerican Indian. This article assesses Lee Harkins' role and his important but often overlooked monthly magazine, The American Indian, in the promotion of a progressive, thoroughly assimilated Indian identity forNative Americans during the early twentieth century.2 Published from 1926 to 1931, The American Indian was devoted to a "modern" view ofAmerican Indians and was part ofthe increasingly controversial assimilationist movement that sought to push Indians from theirtraditional tribal ways towardmainstream social and economic values. The research situates Harkins and his publication within the complex and peculiar history of the Five Civilized Tribes of Indian Territory and their changing status under federal Indian policy. The article describes and critiques the key elements ofthe progressive Indian identity, advocated in The American Indian and contrasts Harkins' editorial themes to competing ideas about Indian identity in the early twentieth century. Oklahoma Indians and the Problem of Progress Thedevelopmentofaprogressive Indian identity in Oklahomagrew out of a host of political and economic changes extending over several decades. Perhaps the two most important changes were the result of the General Allotment Act of 1887 and Oklahoma statehood in 1907. The General Allotment Act, known as the Dawes Act after Massachusetts Senator Henry Dawes, was part ofa national Indian reform movement intended to help native peoplebecome assimilated, productiveparticipants in the dominant society. The main mechanism for achieving this goal was the allotment of tribal lands to individual Indians, aprocessmeanttoreducetribal influenceandfostereconomic self-sufficiency. As landowning farmers, Indians were supposed to learn good workhabits and become enterprising, educated, fully assimilatedU.S. citizens.3 2. TheAmerican Indian is not mentioned in James E. Murphy and Sharon M. Murphy, Let My People Know: American Indian Journalism, 1828-1978 (Norman: University ofOklahoma Press, 1981). Also, Harkins' magazine should not be confused with The American Indian Magazine, a quarterly published by the Society ofAmerican Indians in Washington, D.C., from 1916-1920. A short history of that publication is in Daniel F. Littlefield Jr. and James W. Parins, American Indian and Alaska Native Newspapers and Periodicals, 1826-1924, vol. 1 (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1984), 10-19. 3. The Dawes Act provided a 160-acre allotment to each Indian head of household living on reservation land. The act also conferred citizenship, including the right to vote, on Indian landowners and on those Indians living apart from the tribe and having "adopted the habits of civilized life." Only in 1924 was citizenship extended to all Indians born in the territorial limits of the United States. Although the Five Civilized Tribes were exempt from the original Dawes Act, legislation in the 1890s forced the allotment oftheir tribal lands. See Hazel W. Hertzberg, The Searchforan American Journalism / Volume 14 Number 1 / Winter 1997 5 Unfortunately for the Indians, the Dawes Act also allowed whites to buy "surplus" tribal land. This provision significantly reduced Indian land holdings in Oklahoma and across the nation. Moreover, white settlers and speculators in Oklahoma found numerous illegal and unethical ways to skirt the legal safeguards of the act and take control of individual allotments.4 As a result, about twenty million acres ofeastern Oklahoma, land once owned by the Cherokees, Creeks, Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Seminoles, was stripped from Indian control and many w—hites grew rich from the agric—ultural, timber, mining, and oil rights obtained sometimes scandalously from Indian lands. Withoutland ortheskills necessary formodern life, many OklahomaIndians fell into poverty.5 Statehood further undermined tribal identity in Oklahoma. Although the leaders oftheFive Civilized Tribes fought against statehood, the desire for new land produced political pressure both within Indian Territory and in Washington in favorofstatehood. Moreover, statehood led to the disbanding of tribal governments, a move that left Oklahoma Indians without their traditional form ofcultureandpower. The battles overallotmentandstatehood alsodivided the five tribes. Themore assimilatedorprogressive natives, often mixed-bloods, generally favored the changes; conservatives or traditional Indians, often fullbloods, resisted them.6 Although the progressives rationalized their actions by citing the inevitability of progress, the results of these assimilationist policies were not always as they anticipated. The loss of land and tribal structures did not produce civilized farmers and model citizens; instead, it produced aclass ofdispossessed natives, forced to surrendertheirown traditions but unwilling or unable tojoin the dominant culture. "The Oklahoma Indian was asked to sacrifice many ofthe best parts ofhis culture forthe worstparts of the whiteculture," OklahomahistorianRennard Stricklandconcluded.7 Lee Harkins was heir to this complex political heritage. Bom in 1899 at Boggy Depot in the Choctaw Nation of Indian Territory, he was Choctaw- American Indian Identity (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1971), 4- 9, and Robert W. Mardock, The Reformers and the American Indian (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1971), 218-21. Also see Frederick E. Hoxie, A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880-1920 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984), 77-79. 4. A detailed and shameful chronicle of the "orgy of exploitation" of eastern Oklahoma Indians is in Angie Debo, And Still the Waters Run (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1940). Also see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr. Alex Posey: Creek Poet, Journalist, & Humorist (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992), 226-246. 5. Rennard Strickland, The Indians ofOklahoma (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980), 36. 6. In And Still the Waters Run, 126-27, Debo points out that "adaptability was not entirely a matter of blood, for some fullblood families had always been wealthy, nor was it altogether a matter of intelligence or even of education. It seemed to be a combination of native aptitude and business experience; those Indians, whether fullbloods or mixed-bloods, who had cared to acquire property in the old days had developed a knowledge of commercial transactions." 7. Strickland, 37. 6 Coward: Harkins and The American Indian French on his father's side and Chickasaw on his mother's.8 Both sides ofhis family were tribal leaders, and Harkins' great-great-grandfather, David Folsom, served as an interpreter for the great Choctaw chief Pushmataha in the early 1800s. Harkins was proud of the fact that Folsom printed the first Choctaw newspaper, the Telegraph, in Mississippi in 1848. Another relative, a great- great uncle named George W. Harkins, was selected by Choctaw leaders to explore Indian Territory in advance of the tribe's removal from Mississippi. Harkins was immensely proud ofhis ancestors, afactthat influenced the kind of Indian history he latercelebrated in hismagazine. Significantly, Harkins was educated in non-Indian, public schools in Oklahoma, attending Murray School of Agriculture and Sulphur High School.9 Hisjournalism career began at fifteen when he got ajob as a printer's devil at the Coalgate Record-Register, a weekly he later edited. Harkins was a journalism student at the University of Oklahoma from 1920-1923, editing an Indian issue ofthe campus humormagazine. He worked briefly fortheNorman Transcriptand as aprinter at the Daily Oklahoman in Oklahoma City. In 1923, Harkins left the university and took ajob in the composing room ofthe Tulsa Tribune, whereheremainedtherestofhiscareer. Harkins' white-oriented upbringing influenced his view ofthe modern Indian. Unlike many Indians in western states, Harkins did not grow up in a traditional native household on a reservation. Harkins' parents were largely assimilated mixed-bloods and their son soon adopted mainstream ideas about education, economic opportunity, and politics. These ideas made sense for Harkins, a young man with roots deep in the "civilized" traditions of eastern Oklahoma tribal life. For more traditional reservation Indians, however, assimilation often meant a full-scale attack on their very culture. Native traditions and languages were suppressed and Indian children were forcibly removed from their families and sent to government boarding schools. "The word assimilation was not an abstract, remote concept," one western historian noted. "Rather, it was an active philosophy, with tremendous powertobreak up families and even takethelives ofchildren."10 By the mid-1920s, the disastrous results of such assimilation policies had produced a counter-trend among reservation Indians and their white supporters. Led by activist and reformer John Collier, later Commissioner of Indian Affairs under Franklin Roosevelt and architect ofthe Indian New Deal, this movement sought "Indian rights in such matters as self-government, 8. Biographical information in this study was compiled from Muriel H. Wright, "Lee F. Harkins, Choctaw," The Chronicles of Oklahoma 37, no. 3 (1959): 285-87, and from personal papers in the Lee Harkins Collection at the Oklahoma Historical Society in Oklahoma City, hereafter referred to as the OHS. These documents include an undated Who's Who in the Western Hemisphere entry as well as a number of newspaper and magazine articles by and about Harkins. 9. Who's Who, Harkins Collection, OHS. Wright says that Harkins graduated from high school in Tishomingo. 10. Floyd A. O'Neil, "The Indian New Deal: An Overview," in Indian Self-Rule, ed. Kenneth R. Philip(Salt Lake City: Howe Brothers, 1986), 32. American Journalism / Volume 14 Number 1 / Winter 1997 7 religion, and civil liberties and [it] advocated cultural pluralism, not unconditional assimilation, as the proper objective of federal Indian policy."11 Collier, in fact, was instrumental in the funding American Indian Life, a native journal established in 1925 by the American Indian Defense Association. Asthe name suggests, this organization was vigorously opposed to the government's assimilationist policies and American Indian Life reflected this more militant position.12 Harkins and many other Indians in eastern Oklahoma were not part of this movement. These Indians, mostly mixed-bloods, had long been accommodationist toward white culture and they were convinced ofthe benefits of this contact. Even as a young man, Harkins saw the Indian future in the white world of education and business. A journalism assignment from his college days illustrates Harkins' assimilationist philosophy. In a four-page essay called "TheModern Indian," Harkins reviewed the history ofthe Choctaws and Chickasaws in Mississippi and in Indian Territory. But the focus of the article was on the progressive nature ofthe tribes, a progress achieved through Indian-white "amalgamation." Thepast was dead and gone, Harkins made clear, andanew worldofsuccess andprosperity awaited: There are no flapping ofteepee doors, no cradle-boards rested againstthe seasoned trees, no sound ofthe war-whoop, and no more "stomp-dances" forthey have all passed outofexistence, and instead, white man's ways and inventions have replaced them.13 The article concluded by describing the contemporary Indian: "Today he is a proud fatherandis eitheraprofessional man oramoder—n farmer." Moreover, his children "can be found in all avocations or vocations from the southern farm to the California stage and holding high government positions."14 At twenty- four, five years before his magazine venture, Harkins was thoroughly progressive, devotedtoanontraditional life in awhite-dominatedworld. 'A True Reservoir of Indian Life' The American Indian was founded in October 1926 as a monthly magazine. It was roughly the size and shape ofa tabloid newspaper (about ten 11. Littlefield and Parins, ed.,American Indian andAlaska Native Periodicals, 1925- 1970, vol. 2 (Westport, Conn: Greenwood, 1986), xii. Collier's life and career as a reformer and administrator is discussed Kenneth R. Philip, John Collier's Crusadefor Indian Reform, 1920-1954 (Tuscon; University of Arizona Press, 1977) and The Assault on Assimilation: John Collier and the Origins of Indian Policy Reform (Albuquerque: University ofNew Mexico Press, 1983). 12. Ibid., 29. 13. "The Modern Indian," 21 May 1923, 3, typescript, box 2, Harkins Collection, OHS. 14. Ibid., 4. 8 Coward: Harkins and The American Indian by fourteen inches). Issues were twenty pages, including an impressive two- color front cover. The magazine was the most important of several native publications founded in the 1920s to advance Indian assimilation. One ofthese, The OKeh, was published in Los Angeles by the American Indian Progressive Association, a group whose stated purpose was "to encourage the progressive development and education of the American Indians."15 Unfortunately The OKeh, like many native publications, was short-lived. Harkins, by contrast, published an attractive and well-edited magazine for more than four years, a considerableachievement in the unstable world ofnativejournalism. The American Indian's nameplate symbolized Harkins' view of the Indian past and present. The left side showed an Indian encampment with three teepees. Thecenterincludedabuffal—o in frontoftwoAmerican flags, attachedto staffs topped with Indian artifacts one a tomahawk, the other a pipe. The right side of the nameplate showed a photograph of downtown Tulsa, grandly described by Harkins as "a panoramic view ofthe towering skyline ofTulsa."16 Since Harkins worked—downtown, it seems clearthat he saw the city as the place forthe Indian present and future. Harkins wantedhis magazine to be both asource ofnews and aplace to celebrate the Indian past. In the first issue, Harkins wrote that the magazine would be "devoted to the presentation of every day Indian news and the preservation of Indian lore." He added, "The chief aim of this magazine is to become a true reservoir ofIndian life and history based upon authentic articles fromourIndian and white writers."17 This was adecidedly simple ideaofIndian history, and arguably, one ofHarkins' most serious limitations as an editor. Harkins' ideaofnews was conventional. He was primarily aboosterof Indian progress and he usedthe newscolumns to praise native achievements and to win friends and supporters. This explains why Harkins regularly published photographs ofIndian children and was fond ofIndian "princess" photos on the magazine's cover. Many other stories profiled native individuals who Harkins wanted to recognize. In the November 1926 issue, for example, Harkins ran a profile ofT.J. Leahy, alawyerforthe Osage tribe lawyerwho hadmarried into a prominent Osage family. The same issue included a profile of Iva Thorpe, widow ofthe great Sac andFox athlete, Jim Thorpe. Both stories were flattering to their subjects. Harkins also opened the magazine to poetry and Indian legends, publishing the contributions of a variety of Indian and non-Indian writers. From the start, Harkins aligned himself and his magazine with the business community in Tulsa and northeast Oklahoma. This position undoubtedly helped sell advertising, and the early issuesofTheAmericanIndian 15. Littlefield and Parins,American Indian andAlaska Native Periodicals, vol. 2, xii, 302. Another progressive publication mentioned by Littlefield and Parins was the American Indian Bulletin founded in 1929 at Pipestone, Minnesota. Little is known about the Bulletin and only a few issues were published. See Littlefield and Parins, vol. 2, xii. 16. The American Indian, October 1926, 2. 17. Ibid., 4.

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Most books are stored in the elastic cloud where traffic is expensive. For this reason, we have a limit on daily download.