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American Congo: The African American Freedom Struggle in the Delta PDF

289 Pages·2003·1.17 MB·English
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AMERICAN CONGO AMERICAN CONGO The African American Freedom Struggle in the Delta Nan Elizabeth Woodruff HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge,Massachusetts,andLondon,England 2003 ForIreneSilverblatt Copyright©2003bythePresidentandFellowsofHarvardCollege Allrightsreserved PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmerica LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationData Woodruff,NanElizabeth,1949– AmericanCongo:theAfricanAmericanfreedomstruggleintheDelta/ NanElizabethWoodruff. p.cm. Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex. ISBN0-674-01047-7 1.AfricanAmericans—Civilrights—Mississippi—Delta(Region)— History—20thcentury. 2.AfricanAmericans—Civilrights—Arkansas— ArkansasDelta—History—20thcentury. 3.Sharecroppers—Mississippi— Delta(Region)—Socialconditions—20thcentury. 4.Sharecroppers— Arkansas—ArkansasDelta—Socialconditions—20thcentury. 5.Civil rightsmovements—Mississippi—Delta(Region)—History—20thcentury. 6.Civilrightsmovements—Arkansas—ArkansasDelta—History—20th century. 7.Plantationlife—Mississippi—Delta(Region)—History—20th century. 8.Plantationlife—Arkansas—ArkansasDelta—History—20th century. 9.Delta(Miss.:Region)—Racerelations. 10.Arkansas Delta(Ark.)—Racerelations. I.Title. F347.M6W6672003 976.2′400496073—dc21 2002191341 Contents Introduction 1 1 TheForgingoftheAlluvialEmpire 8 2 TensionsofEmpire 38 3 TheKillingFields 74 4 TheBlackPeople’sBurden 110 5 RevoltagainstMeanThings 152 6 AWarwithinaWar 191 Notes 229 Acknowledgments 269 Index 273 Introduction In 1921, freedom fighter William Pickens, a native Arkansan, described the Mississippi River Valley as the “American Congo.” As field secretary for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Pickens and his organization had recently investigated in the region nu- merous lynchings, cases of coerced labor, and a major massacre that had followedWorldWarI.ItisnotsurprisingthathechosetheCongoashis metaphor for the Arkansas and Mississippi Delta. Planters in the region had forged an “alluvial empire” in the early twentieth century that, like BelgianKingLeopoldII’sAfricanCongointhelatenineteenthandearly twentieth centuries, wore the face of science and progressivism, yet was underwritten by labor conditions that were anything but progressive. KingLeopoldusedtherhetoricofupliftandbenevolencetomaskhisre- lentlesssearchforivoryandrubberintheCongo.Leopold’smenburned villages and their inhabitants, raped the women, cut off the hands and heads of thousands of Congolese, and worked them in chain gains until they dropped from hunger and exhaustion. The horrors of Leopold’s CongoweresogreatthatleadingAfricanAmericansinthelatenineteenth andearlytwentiethcenturiesdemandedanendtosuchpractices.Thehis- torian George Washington Williams and the leading black political figure oftheday,BookerT.Washington,joinedwithleadersoftheBlackBaptist Church to lobby President Theodore Roosevelt on behalf of the Congo- lesepeople.1 Atlanticworldslaveryhadbeenabolishedinthelatenineteenthcentury, butallofthewesternpowersengaged,inthefollowingcentury,invarious forms of coerced labor as they sought to extract the natural riches from their colonies. Delta planters were no different in their corner of the world. They may not have cut off the heads and hands of their African Americanworkers,buttheyengagedinpeonage,murder,theft,andother 1 22 AMERICAN CONGO forms of terror to retain their labor. Some of the meanest corners of the “heart of darkness” were found in the Delta during the first half of the twentieth century. And yet the imperialism and the human carnage it wrought did not go unchallenged by those whose lives were being trans- formedordestroyed.Slaves,peasants,plantationworkers,andthosewho laboredinotherextractiveindustries,suchasmining,timber,andrubber, fought their oppression in numerous ways, seeking to protect their land andfamiliesagainsttheintrusionofcapitalismandwhiteracism.2 The Delta plantation economy emerged when U.S. and European cap- italistswereestablishingthemselvesthroughouttheworld.Onsomelevel, the Delta was part of this larger expansion of capitalism in the late nine- teenth and early twentieth centuries as U.S. capitalists joined with the Dutch,British,andFrenchindiversifyingtheirholdings,lookingfornew markets and sources for raw materials in the colonial world.3 Within the context of United States and southern history, the Delta represented a “NewSouth”plantationeconomyandsocietythatgrewoutoftheclaim- ingandclearingofthevastswamplandsoftheMississippiRiver.Lumber- menfromtheNortheast,Midwest,andEnglandinvadedtheserichforests inthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,clearingthelandand pavingthewayforwhatHaroldWoodmanhascalledtheriseofthe“busi- ness plantations.” Delta plantations in the twentieth century were orga- nizedalongcorporatelinesandtheyoperatedaccordingtotheprinciples of scientific management, which required the close supervision of a rou- tinized and disciplined labor force—in this case, African American share- croppersanddaylaborers.4 PromotersoftheregionsoldtheDeltaasan“alluvialempire”ofuntold riches, a land of progressive farmers who had left behind the Old South past of slavery, racism, ignorance, poverty, and defeat. A wealthy planter class soon emerged in the Delta, many of whose members came from other parts of the country and just as many others claiming southern roots. Like imperialists at the time, the progressive empire these planters createdrestedonthesweatandlaborofalargely“coloured”laborforce. AmericahaditsCongo.5 UnderneaththedeclaredprogressivismofthenewDeltaeconomylaya labor system underwritten by segregation and disfranchisement that kept black people poor and stripped of the basic civil and human rights ac- corded to other Americans in the twentieth century. A web of peonage and vagrancy laws sent to convict labor camps on the New South planta- Introduction 33 tionsuntoldnumbersofmen,women,andchildren—manyofwhomdis- appeared forever, while others managed to survive the harsh conditions andeventuallyreturntotheirfamilies.Countysheriffs,judges,andjustices ofthepeace,oftenlandownersthemselves,workedwithplanterstoensure thatnoidleblackpeopleexisted.6 Thosewhoescapedthelaborcampsandworkedassharecroppersfound aworldcompletelydefinedbytheplanters’needforcheaplabor.Asshare- croppers, they sold their labor for wages paid in the form of a portion of the cotton crop. They brought only their labor to the contract, receiving fromthelandlordtheirhousing,food,clothing,toolsofproduction,live- stock, seed, and feed—all charged to a credit system that kept them in debt. Planters also built the schools and churches of their workers, often payingthepreachersandtheteachers,andtheycontrolledthemail,seek- ingtosupervisewhatcroppersreadandwithwhomtheycorresponded.7 Inthealluvialempire,planterscontrolledalllevelsofgovernment:fed- eral, state, and local. This modern empire was characterized by a polity that defined citizenship in terms of race and that drew a weak distinction between the functions of the various levels of government and those of civil society.8 What is worse, this was not all a matter of local or regional state jurisdiction—legal disfranchisement of black people was sanctioned by the U.S. Supreme Court, forcing African Americans to enter into an unequal bargain with employers for whatever social space they could ob- tain in civil society. In the political arena, planters controlled the political officesthathadadirectbearingonblackpeoples’interests.WhereverAfri- canAmericansturned,theyencounteredaworldcircumscribedbyconsta- bles and justices of the peace who harassed them by arbitrarily enforcing vagrancy laws, by sheriffs who either ignored or engaged in peonage, by planters who had the power to protect their workers from arrests or to send them to the state penitentiary, and, as if that were not enough, by white mobs who resorted to the extralegal terror of lynching to remind them of the costs involved in defying planter authority. Planters may not havepostedtheheadsoftheirlaborersatopspikesinfrontoftheirdwell- ingsasdidLeopold’ssoldiersintheCongo,buttheydidrape,burn,and torture them. Some even took photographs of the lynchings and sent themaspostcardstotheirfriendsandrelatives,andotherscutofftheirvic- tim’s remaining parts and saved them as souvenirs, to be passed down as familyrelicsalongwiththesilverorConfederatememorabilia.9 As horrible as this world seemed, black people found ways of fighting back.Attimestheydidsoasindividuals;inotherinstances,theirstruggle

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This is the story of how rural black people struggled against the oppressive sharecropping system of the Arkansas and Mississippi Delta during the first half of the twentieth century. Here, white planters forged a world of terror and poverty for black workers, one that resembled the horrific depriva
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