In 1977, the editors of this volume, in collaboration \vith our colleague Dr. Robert Terry, organized a 3-day ^vorkshop/conference in Bethesda, Maryland, on Alzheimer disease and related disorders under the sponsorship of three of the National Institutes of Health: the National Insti tute of Neurological and Communicative Disorders and Stroke, the National Institute on Aging, and the National Institute of Mental Health — a confer ence that was highly successful. We had two goals. The first was to reach consensus that Alzheimer disease (AD) was not just a relatively rare neurode generative disorder of the presenium, but was the major cause of dementia in the elderly in developed countries. The second quite different goal was to bring together investigators w^ho had already made important contributions to the field and others ^vhom we sought to recruit to the field in order to help "jump-start" research in AD. Twenty years later, the two of us, gratified by the explosive success of the field of AD research and in the growth of the Alzheimer's Association — initially formed shortly after the workshop/conference — thought we should document the work and views of the pioneers whose efforts in the 20 years pre ceding this conference had brought the subject into modern biology. The tool we use is oral history. We have interviewed 23 of the major participants in the scientific and health care advances that occurred in the period between 1960 and 1980. This series of intervievv^s — intervie^ws that touch both on the human and on the scientific aspects of the advances that each has made — constitutes xii PREFACE this volume. Because the words of our intervie^vees Avill be of interest to a broad audience of scientists, chnicians, and family members, we have tried to provide help from time to time in editors' notes, selected references, and read ing lists, but the words are those of the intervie^wed. We hope that our readers will enjoy the stories that are told. We grouped the interviev^s to begin ^vith the pioneer ^work of the 1960s that applied modern biology to the AD brain and developed a prospective clin ical—neuropathological approach that demonstrated the identity of AD and senile dementia. During the seventies, further advances occurred w^ith the development of experimental approaches, studies of the role of genetics, cul minating in the discovery of the major role of cholinergic deficits in the AD brain. Again in the sixties, as the numbers of AD victims — patients and their families — increased, innovative care arrangements were introduced. Clinicians began to standardize diagnostic approaches. As it became under stood that AD was the most important cause of dementia in the elderly, epidemiological studies took on new meaning, and the extent of the public health impact of AD was recognized. These societal changes served as a major impetus for the formation and success of the Alzheimer's Association. The changing vie^vs in medical thinking over this time span become evident w^hen one contrasts the description of the term "chronic organic brain syndrome" used for dementing diseases in the 1952 D lag nod tic and Statutlcal Manual of the American Pdychiatric Addociation (DSM 1) with the appearance of a straightfor- ^vard definition of dementia in the 1980 version (DSM III). Readers ^vill discover that the authors prefer the term "Alzheimer disease' but have used "Alzheimer's disease' whenever the interview^ee or organization used that term. We have used British spelling in the interview's ^vith our British colleagues and American spelling elsew^here. We wish to call the reader's attention to three accounts that overlap aspects of our narrative but from different perspectives: Patrick J. Fox's 1989 detailed article, "From Senility to Alzheimer's Disease: The Rise of the Alzheimer's Disease Movement" [Milbank Q 67(1), 58-102 (1989)]; Daniel A. Pollen's intriguing book, Hannah^d Heird: The Quedt for the Genetic Origind of Alzheimer^d Di^eade, Oxford Univ. Press, New York, 1993; and Peter J. Whitehouse, Konrad Maurer, and Jesse F. Ballenger (eds), Co nceptd of Alzheimer Dideade: Biological^ Clinical and Cultural Ferdpecti^edy Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, Baltimore, 2000. With regard to the current status of Alzheimer disease, the reader may wish to consult the following general reading: Katzman, R., and Fox, P. (1999). The Avorldwide impact of dementia in the next fifty years. In "Epidemiology of Alzheimer's Disease: From Gene to Prevention" (R. Mayeux and Y. Christen, eds.). Springer-Verlag, New^ York. Teriy, R D., Katzman, R, Bick, K. L., and Sisodia, S. (eds.) (1999), "Alzheimer Dis ease," 2nd ed., Lippincott-Williams & Wilkins, Baltimore. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xiii Acknowledgments We tkank our interview^ees for their cooperation and patience. We are in debted to our editor at Academic Press, Jasna Markovac, Exlitor in Chief of Biomedical Sciences, for her enthusiasm and encouragement in our undertak ing. Marge Lorang, our Eklitorial Coordinator, has been an especially sensitive interpreter of our goals for the project. Working ^vith her has been a pleasant and profitable experience. We are grateful to Sue Johnson, Dr. Katzman's ad ministrative assistant, for cheerfully keeping us organized during the flow of the many iterations of the interviews and for faciliating the retrieval of histori cal information. Robert Katzman thanks Nancy Katzman for her constant support in this as in so many other ventures. In dedicating this book, Katherine Bick pays tribute to the inspiration of the late professor Luigi Amaducci, ^who sparked her historical interests. Robert Katzman dedicates this book to Nancy's mother, Elsie Anderson Bern stein, Avho so dearly loved life, but who lost the last decade of her o^vn life to Alzheimer disease. This experience with the reality of Alzheimer disease played a major role in shifting his career focus to the dementing illnesses. Chapter 1 SETTING TIE STAGE Alzheimer disease (AD), the most common neurodegenerative disorder in our society, accounts for two-thirds of the cases of age-related (senile) dementia. AD is characterized by a progressive, ultimately fatal dementia. The best cur rent estimates are that there are between 3.2 and A million cases in the United States today. It may be reasonably argued that AD is the fourth most impor tant cause of death. As our society continues to age, one can project that in the year 2050, new^ly diagnosed cases of AD will equal those of all cancers combined (1). Yet only 40 years ago the importance of AD v^as ignored. Textbooks of neurology and psychiatry devoted only sentences or a paragraph or two to the disorder. This book traces the scientific, clinical, and societal events that led to the recognition of the importance of AD in the interval between 1960 and 1980, presented though the medium of oral history. By 1980 the importance of AD w^as recognized in the scientific community, scientific interest in AD had become widespread, an active Alzheimer's Association had been formed, and the National Institutes of Health (NIH) began seriously to fund AD research. ALZHEIMER DESCRIBES HIS CLASSIC CASE The long hiatus between Alzheimer's 1907 publication of his classic case (2) and the events in the 1960s now seems anomalous as the importance of the 1907 paper was immediately recognized. Kraepelins 1910 text (3) used the term "Alzheimer's disease" to describe cases ^vith the pathological features described by Alzheimer appearing in the presenium. The presenium w^as considered to be ages AS to 60 years, although some later writers upped the age to 66. Cases occurring later in life with similar (although some argued not identical) pathology w^ere classified as senile dementia or senile psychosis. Alois Alzheimer's major M^ork on "general paralysis," the contemporary term for neurosjrphilis, no doubt contributed to his sensitivity to the unusual 2 1. SETTING THE STAGE presentation that he sav^^ in Auguste D., the \vonian admitted to the Frankfurt Insane Asylum in 1901 ^vho died in 1906. Auguste D.'s chnical course and the pathological examination of her nervous system ^vere the key elements that led Alzheimer to describe her case briefly at the psychiatrists' meeting in Tubingen in 1906. Hippius (4) reports Alzheimer's comments, from 1895, that his interest in psychiatry stemmed from his first position after his final exami nations as the medical "traveling companion of a mentally ill lady.'' Auguste D.'s clinical presentation and the subsequent neuropathological studies carried out by Alzheimer and Perusini provided the raw material for Emil Kraepelin's designation in 1910 of this peculiar pattern as Alzheimer's dis ease. The scientific literature around the turn of the 20th century was replete with discussions of the putative etiologies of the various impaired mental states seen in the elderly. Discovery of the spirochete that caused the devastation of neurosyphilis, particularly w^hen it presented as a progressive dementia (general paresis, as neurosyphilis M^as called then), stimulated search for like causes of the other psychogeriatric conditions. Such explorations ^vere made possible by the application of new dyes and impregnation techniques that revealed the intimate details of the neuronal structure. Alzheimer's friends and colleagues (such as Franz Nissl in Heidelberg and Emil Kraepelin, who recruited Alzheimer to Munich from Heidelberg) and his rivals (such as Oskar Fischer in Arnold Pick's group in Prague) were all part of a close circle of European researchers who met at meetings, edited scholarly journals, and argued passionately about the issues of the causes and trademarks of brain disease. In 1898 Alzheimer published a lengthy paper on senile dementias of various etiologies with emphasis on those related to atheromatous vascular disease (5). In that paper he referred to "dementia praesenilis" as a subgroup ^vithin or an atypical form of senile dementia, distinguished by a preexisting mental feebleness and an earlier manifestation. In his 1911 paper, Alzheimer (6) reported once more on the clinical and morphological changes seen in presenile diffuse brain atrophy and recognized clearly their morphological correspondence to those seen in senile dementia. He discussed the views of his colleagues Perusini and Simchowitz as well as those of Fischer, to whom he gave generous credit for his emphasis on the importance of the plaques in the histology of senile dementia. Many of these early papers, \vritten in German, have been translated and reviewed in a book by Dr. Bick (7). Alzheimer's unique contribution to the disease that bears his name ^vas the demonstration of the structures that are now called neurofibrillary tangles and the recognition that they were important markers of a disease process. His colleague Gaetano Perusini's camera lucida dra^vings of the many dra matic shapes he sa^v in the histological preparations of the original Alzheimer case are models of careful representation (8). In the first brief presentation at Tubingen, Alzheimer described the thickening of the intracellular fibrils and their unique response to silver impregnation methods, ^th the eventual total THE FOLLOW-ON FROM ALZHEIMER'S WORK 3 disruption of the nerve cell and the skeleton of the "tangled bundle of fibrils'' as the only remnant. The other hallmark of the disease, the senile or neuritic plaque, had first been reported in the brains of old people affected by epilepsy by Blocq and Marinesco working in Paris in 1892 (9) and discussed in detail by Redlich as "miliary sclerosis" in 1892 (10). The term "miliary" comes from the Latin v^ord for the grain millet and was used to describe lesions or tubercles that had the size and shape of millet seeds. Fischer's publication in 1907 (11) expanded the description of these structures, v^hich he considered proliferative phenom ena and called miliary or glandular necrosis. Alzheimer disagreed with Fischer's interpretation that they ^were the "most important anatomical substrate of pres byophrenia." He concluded that they w^ere not the cause of senile dementia but an accompaniment of senile involution (aging) of the nervous system. Alzheimer disease is unique in that two such different pathologies, the plaque and tangle, are its hallmarks. Neuropathologists and others have argued throughout the 20th century as to the relative importance of these two findings. Although today most remembered for his neuropathological contribu tions, Alzheimer considered himself primarily a clinician and aWays S3cw the neuropathological laboratory studies as basic know^ledge that ^vas to be applied in the service of the clinic. The third floor laboratory that Alzheimer established in Munich trained a w^hole generation of international colleagues in his approach. Not only did he emphasize the importance of clinical w^ork underpinned by careful pathological correlations, he encouraged the develop ment of animal models to test ideas about etiology and pathogenesis. Alzheimer ^vas a v^elcoming and generous host and inspired young peo ple from many countries ^who came to his laboratory. For example, he gave the task of the complete workup of the case of Auguste D. to Gaetano Perusini who came to work with him from Italy and w^ho published the full description as the sole author in 1911 in the journal edited by Nissl and Alzheimer. Sev eral times during his career Alzheimer competed for clinical directorships. When the opportunity came to take up the post of Director and Professor of Psychiatry at Breslau in 1912, he did not hesitate to leave the Munich labora tory behind, despite Kraepelin's misgivings that this might mean the end of Alzheimer's researches. Sadly, that proved to be the case, but lingering ill health, rather than diminished interest, ^was probably to blame. Alzheimer's untimely death in 1915 (probably of bacterial endocarditis) ended a brilliant scientific and clinical career. THE FOLLOW-ON FROM ALZHEIMER'S WORK From the time of the publication of the first case in 1907 throughout the early years, almost all of the publications about AD came from the people vv^ho had 4 1. SETTING THE STAGE either direct or first-generation connections ^vith the Alzheimer laboratory in Munich. Solomon Fuller studied for some years ^vith Alzheimer and later published clinical-pathological studies from the Westborough State Hospital in Massachusetts. He reported details of the 13 cases known as AD in 1911 (12). Publications in the United States called the condition senile dementia before the original Alzheimer report, e.g. Pickett (1903, 13), reported on 200 "true senile dements" from Philadelphia Hospital. Ho^vever, in 1911 (14), Barrett, at the University of Michigan, Avas ^vriting about AD and in 1913 commented that "it has become difficult to limit disease processes by age periods," as Alzheimer himself had said. Alzheimer's colleague from 1907 to 1910, Teofil Simchovs^itz introduced the term "senile plaque" and described granulo-vacuolar degenerations in the brains of patients with senile dementia in his 1911 paper (15). Alzheimer described at some length in his 1911 paper the response of the core of the plaque to various staining techniques and concluded that it ^vas an unor ganized mass w^hose appearance is different with different stains and w^hich sometimes has a structure that resembles fine crystals. He thought that the evidence supported the view that the core ^vas a deposit of an unkno^vn metabolic product in the cerebral cortex. Arguments as to \vhether the plaque components were produced in dltu—Alzheimer's conjecture -—or arrived in the cerebral cortex from the systemic circulation^—^as Gellerstedt (16) thought most likely ^—Mrere prominent in the literature for many years. In 1927 (17), Diviy reported that his careful studies on the center of the plaque indicated that its reactions were shared with those of amyloid. He w^as a^vare of the lack of chemical specificity of both silver impregnation and Congo red staining and added polarization optical studies to his tests. In 1934, Diviy (18) pointed out that both the cores and the tangles were congophilic with polarized light and remarked that this suggested a common origin for the two. Congophilic angiopathy ^vas first named by Pantelakis in 1954 (19), but credit for its full description should go to Scholz in Munich in 1938 (20). Scholz found the same characteristics ^ metachromasia ^vith basic aniline dyes, Congo red staining, intense birefringence under polarized light after Congo red, and positive iodine reactions ^—^in the deposits in the cerebral vessel avails and concluded that they vv^ere the same as the plaque cores. He called the vessel inclusions "drusige Entartung" (plaque-like degeneration) and rejected the idea that these indicated amyloidosis of the brain comparable to systemic amyloid disease. The traditions of the German school w^ere continued in the papers from this era with extended descriptions of the clinical course of the illness and detailed reports of numerous histological preparations. Griinthal's paper (21) on a histopathological clinical study of AD, w^hich became a classic in the field, added 13 more pathologically studied cases to the record of AD. He mentions that these add to the 20 he found in the literature. A review of the early history can also be found in Bick (22). Is ALZHEIMER DISEASE STRICTLY A PRESENILE DEMENTIA? 5 Is ALZHEIMER DISEASE STRICTLY A PRESENILE DEMENTIA? During the first third of the 20th century the major discriminating factor in di agnosis seems to have been the age of the patient. Malamud and Lo^venberg discussed this restriction and concluded on the basis of their experience that "if cases cHnically and pathologically typical of Alzheimer's disease do occur at different ages, Kraepelin's idea that this disease may really be independent of the senile group must be seriously considered"(23). Jervis and Soltz (24), discussing cases with onset prior to age 45, agreed M^ith Griinthal that from the pathological viewpoint alone, AD cannot be differentiated from senile dementia, but the clinical symptomatology, which constitutes a solid unit, must play an important role in the final diagnosis of AD. In general, the greater severity of the clinical presentation of the prese nile disease and the focality of the triad of agnosia, apraxia, and aphasia were interpreted as another support for the distinction between presenile and senile dementias. This point of vie^v ^vas continued by David Rothschild, a Canadian—American physician, trained in pathology and psychoanalysis in Germany, w^ho devoted most of his efforts during the 1930s and 1940s to investigating the relationship between Alzheimer disease and senile dementia (25,26). Rothschild had an interesting link to Alzheimer in that he trained in Hamburg in Jakob's laboratory and Jakob in turn had trained in Alzheimer's laboratory. He argued from his case material that, although the lesions and their regional distributions in the presenile AD brain and in "senile dementia" v^ere similar, the number of lesions \vas often greater in presenile cases and the progression of dementia and involvement of language ^vere more severe in the younger cases. Rothschild did make several potentially important contributions: con trary to the accepted dogma of his era, he asserted and provided evidence that senile dementia (of the Alzheimer type) could be differentiated both clinically and pathologically from dementia due to atherosclerotic vascular disease, not ing that there are cases ^vith both lesions present, a finding 25 years ahead of its time. He described in detail nonatherosclerotic lesions in blood vessel ^valls in some cases of presenile AD and "senile dementia," clearly congophilic or amyloid angiopathy, but he did not use Congo Red to study his tissue and did not refer in any of his papers to Divry's 1924 discovery of amyloid in the Alzheimer plaque, an important missed opportunity, as amyloid angiopathy may account for 10 to 20% of strokes today. In regard to the issue of ^vhether Alzheimer disease and "senile dementia" Avere identical, he presented evidence from his more detailed analysis of the distribution of lesions in the brains of both groups that could ^vell have been interpreted as evidence for their 6 1. SETTING THE STAGE identity. Unfortunately, he pulled back from this conclusion, stating, "While -we do not subscribe to the conceptions that Alzheimer's disease is merely a va riety of senile dementia, the fact that it sho^vs histologic changes essentially similar to the lesions present in the latter disease suggests that similar factors may operate in the two conditions." Rothschild also sought to explain the existence of plaques and tangles in the brain of some cognitively normal elderly. At first he considered the possibility that this might be due to a "unusually strong compensatory capa city of the patient," a predecessor of the concept of brain reserve, but he aban doned this approach to ascribe at least part of the development of dementia in the elderly to psychological causes! Perhaps his training in psychoanalysis or the post World War II popularity of "psychosomatic medicine" colored his vie^vs. The identity of Alzheimer disease and senile dementia ^was asserted unequivocally in 1948 by R. D. Newton (27), Avho was fully a^ware of Roth schild's papers. Newton's own review of the literature led him to a quite differ ent opinion, that senile dementia and AD were identical. Newton noted that among patients \vith AD pathology there Avas a ^vide variation in symptoms unrelated to their age and that there were consistent histological differences between those with onset before and those with onset after age 65. Although Newton is widely cited today for his prescient conclusion, he was simply ignored by other investigators until 1968, when Blessed, Tomlinson, and Roth verified this conclusion in their classic, quantitative prospective study of the relationship of pathological lesions to cognitive changes during life (28). AND THE ROLE OF STROKES? We have noted that an additional confound in the United States w^as the em phasis on cerebral atherosclerosis and cerebrovascular events as a cause of late life dementia. Walter Alvarez, a gastroenterologist and a pioneer geriatri cian, headed the gastrointestinal division at the Mayo Clinic for 25 years (1926 to 1950) and w^as considered by many to be the most prominent internist of his day. Prior to joining the Mayo Clinic he focused on the impor tance of statistical techniques and helped establish a department of biometry and statistics at the Mayo Clinic. How^ever, he was best knov^n as the author for over 20 years of a widely published syndicated column. His first book, "Nervous Indigestion," published in 1930, was a best seller and his 1951 book on "The Neuroses" almost reached that status. He often interpreted symptoms not understood by medicine of his day (or today for that matter) as psychoso matic. In 1946 (29), however, he published an extraordinary paper on demen tia in the elderly that did not attribute his cases to psychosomatic causes but rather to small strokes. In the paper entitled "Cerebral arteriosclerosis Avith small commonly unrecognized apoplexies," Alvarez noted, "one of the com monest diseases of man is a slow petering out tow^ard the end of life, and one ''CHRONIC ORGANIC BRAIN SYNDROME" 7 of the commonest \v^ays of petering out is that in ^v^hich the brain is slo^vly destroyed by the repeated thrombosis of small sclerotic blood vessels." This article, published a decade before C. Miller Fisher's classic paper, ^was based on clinical pathological data in seven patients, including two of his relatives for M^hom he had life-long histories, and ^vas an excellent description of the lacunar state. Alvarez's impact on American physicians w^as immediate, and for the next three decades his explanation vv^as readily accepted by practicing physicians w^ho w^ould attribute progressive dementia in the elderly to "stiff pipes" and small strokes. ESCAPING VIA LABELING DEMENTIA AS "CHRONIC ORGANIC BRAIN SYNDROME" The chaotic situation created by these conflicting views (and similar uncer tainties in other areas of mental disorders) posed a problem for American psychiatrists. FoUo^ving World War II, the US government began construct ing Veterans Administration Hospitals ^vith large psychiatric facilities throughout the country. A uniform nomenclature ^vas needed. The American Psychiatric Association responded with their 1952 "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual," no^w referred to as DSM-L In DSM-I the term "organic brain syndrome" was introduced. This inclusive term covered all of the dementing illnesses and also delirious states. Within this broad umbrella, the category, "chronic organic brain disease" subsumed not only presenile AD and senile dementia and other neurodegenerative disorders that lead to dementia, but also vascular dementia and progressive infectious disorders, including those that would later be termed the "prion diseases." This very broad, nonspecific terminology w^as embraced by many clinicians outside of the United States, although a few in Great Britain preferred the equally nonspecific concept of "brain failure." Such terms provided a comfortable cover in the absence of an agreed upon understanding of the underlying diseases. This new nomenclature did not arouse the interests of investigators. In 1966, the first year covered by the National Library of Medicine's electronic index "Medline," there were just 10 citations to Alzheimer disease in peer- revicM^ed scientific and medical journals ^world^vide and only 18 citations to "senile dementia." By 1980, the number of citations to AD had increased sixfold to 113. These numbers can be compared to the 1998 Medline that cited 2238 articles on Alzheimer disease, but only 71 on "senile dementia." A major turnaround in scientific and lay interest in Alzheimer disease had occurred by 1980. In that year the American Psychiatric Association's third revision of their "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual," DSM-III, recog nized Alzheimer disease as a leading cause of dementia in the elderly. The
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