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Allow Me to Retort: A Black Guy’s Guide to the Constitution PDF

281 Pages·2022·2.037 MB·English
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5.625 × 8.75 SPINE: 1 FLAPS: 3.5 U.S. Politics/Political Science $26.99 U.S. Allow Me to Retort ADVANCE PRAISE FOR “There’s something to learn on every page. . . . A reading of the Constitution that all social justice advocates should study.” —Kirkus Reviews (starred review) M MSNBC LEGAL COMMENTATOR ELIE MYSTAL thinks that Republicans are wrong about the law YE “A pugnacious and entertaining critique of conservative interpretations of the almost all of the time. Now, instead of talking SL Constitution.” —Publishers Weekly about this on cable news, Mystal explains why TI AE in his first book. “A tour de force from the Explainer-in-Chief of American law! Mystal’s sharp wit Allow Me to Retort is an easily digestible L entertains and educates about some of the greatest misconceptions of constitu- argument about what rights we have, what rights tional scholarship and travesties in American justice.” Republicans are trying to take away, and how ––Malcolm Nance, bestselling author of The Plot to Hack America to stop them. Mystal explains how to protect the rights of women and people of color instead A “After reading Allow Me to Retort, I want Elie Mystal to explain everything I don’t of cowering to the absolutism of gun owners ELIE MYSTALis The Nation’s justice correspon- understand—quantum astrophysics, the infield fly rule, why people think Bob l and bigots. He explains the legal way to stop l dent, an Alfred Knobler Fellow at the Type Media Dylan is a good singer . . .” ––Michael Harriot, The Root everything from police brutality to political o Center, and the legal editor of the More Perfect gerrymandering, just by changing a few judges podcast on the Supreme Court for Radiolab. He “Essential reading for people who think that you need to go to law school to w A l l o w M e and justices. He strips out all of the fancy jar- is a graduate of Harvard College and Harvard Law understand our founding documents, and the perfect guidebook for Americans gon conservatives like to hide behind and lays School, the former executive editor of Above the who want to understand how our country is supposed to work.” M bare the truth of their project to keep America Law, a former associate at Debevoise & Plimp- ––Zerlina Maxwell, MSNBC analyst and author of The End of White Politics forever tethered to its slaveholding past. ton, and a frequent guest on MSNBC and Sirius Mystal brings his trademark humor, exper- e XM. He lives in New York. tise, and rhetorical flair to explain concepts “I loved Allow Me to Retort. It’s a powerful and important book of brightly alive t o R e t o r t ideas. Mystal deconstructs tired arguments and failed positions with his signa- t like substantive due process and the right for o the LGBTQ community to buy a cake, and to ture intelligence, humor, grace, and extraordinary wit. His big brain, bright ideas, arm readers with the knowledge to defend and fierce advocacy for what is right are an antidote to the poison of our current R themselves against conservatives who want political system.” everybody to live under the yoke of eighteenth- ––Don Winslow, bestselling author of The Border e century white men. The same tactics Mystal uses t A BLACK GUY’S GUIDE to defend the idea of a fair and equal society on “Elie Mystal is the funniest lawyer in America. Allow Me to Retort is brisk and o MSNBC and CNN are in this book, for anybody brutal, sharply argued, full of both laugh-out-loud lines and righteous fury.” r TO THE CONSTITUTION who wants to deploy them on social media. ––Matt Levine, “Money Stuff” columnist, Bloomberg Opinion t You don’t need to be a legal scholar to understand your own rights. You don’t need www.thenewpress.com E l i e M y s t a l to accept the “whites only” theory of equality pushed by conservative judges. You can read JACKET PHOTOGRAPH COURTESY OF THE AUTHOR this book to understand that the Constitution JACKET DESIGN BY is trash, but doesn’t have to be. CHRISTOPHER BRIAN KING AUTHOR PHOTOGRAPH BY CHRISTINE NYEREYEGONA ALLOW ME TO RETORT A BLACK GUY’S GUIDE TO THE CONSTITUTION ELIE MYSTAL To my children, Claudius and Maximilian, in hopes that they don’t have to fight some of these white supremacists in robes CONTENTS Introduction 1 1:Canceling Trash People Is Not a Constitutional Crisis 9 2:Bigotry Is Illegal Even If You’ve Been Ordered to by Jesus 18 3:Everything You Know About the Second Amendment Is Wrong 31 4:Stop Frisking Me 41 5:Attack Dogs Are Not Reasonable 51 6:Why You Can’t Punch a Cop 61 7:Stopping Police Brutality 72 8:It Says What It Says 76 9:The Taking of Black Land 88 10:A Jury of Your White Peers 100 11:It’s Not Unusual to Be Cruel 112 12:The Most Important Part 125 Contents 13:Conservative Kryptonite 136 14:Reverse Racism Is Not a Thing 155 15:The Rule That May or May Not Exist 166 16:The Abortion Chapter 175 17:You Know This Thing Can Be Amended, Right? 190 18:The Right to Vote Shall Be Abridged All the Damn Time 202 19:What If Your Vote Actually Didn’t Matter? 214 20:Abolish the Electoral College 226 21:The Final Battle 236 Epilogue 245 Notes 259 INTRODUCTION O ur Constitution is not good. It is a document designed to create a society of enduring white male dominance, hastily edited in the margins to allow for what basic political rights white men could be convinced to share. The Constitution is an imper- fect work that urgently and consistently needs to be modified and reimagined to make good on its unrealized promises of justice and equality for all. And yet you rarely see liberals make the point that the Consti- tution is actually trash. Conservatives are out here acting like the Constitution was etched by divine flame upon stone tablets, when in reality it was scrawled out over a sweaty summer by people mak- ing deals with actual monsters who were trying to protect their rights to rape the humans they held in bondage. Why would I give a fuck about the original public meaning of the words written by these men? Conservatives will tell you that the text of laws explicitly passed in response to growing political, social, or economic power of nonwhite minorities should be followed to their 2 Introduction highest grammatical accuracy, and I’m supposed to agree the text of this bullshit is the valid starting point of the debate? Nah. As Rory Breaker says in the movie Lock, Stock and Two Smoking Barrels: “If the milk turns out to be sour, I ain’t the kind of pussy to drink it.” The Constitution was so flawed upon its release in 1787 that it came with immediate updates. The first ten amend- ments, the “Bill of Rights,” were demanded by some to ensure rati- fication of the rest of the document. All of them were written by James Madison, who didn’t think they were actually necessary but did it to placate political interests. Video gamers would call the Bill of Rights a “day one patch,” and they’re a good indication that the developers didn’t have enough time to work out all the kinks. And yet conservatives use these initial updates to justify modern bigotry against all sorts of people. If the Constitution were really the triumph of reason over dark- ness, as it is often treated, it probably wouldn’t have failed so mis- erably that a devastating civil war would break out less than one hundred years later. But that happened. And if the fixes applied to the Constitution after that war ended in 1865 were so redemptive, I imagine that my mother—born in 1950in M ississippi—would have been allowed to go inside her ostensibly “public” library while she was growing up, which of course she was not. The Constitution is not gospel, it’s not magic, and it’s not even particularly successful if you count one civil war, one massive minority uprising for justice that kind of worked against tons that have been largely rebuffed, and one failed coup led by the actual president, as “demerits.” It was written by a collection of wealthy slavers, wealthy colonizers, and wealthy antislavery white men who were nonetheless willing to compromise and profit together with slavers and colonizers. At no point have people of color or women been given a real say in how it was written, interpreted, or amended. Even the amendments that granted equal rights to minori- Introduction 3 ties and women were written by white men. They were ratified by all-white-male state legislatures. Nonwhites have, obviously, never held majority power in this country (yet); women have only held a majority of the seats in one state legislature, Nevada, and that didn’t happen until 2018. Minorities or women have never held a major- ity in either chamber of Congress, or on the Supreme Court, and there has been only one nonwhite president of the United States in American history. White people got so pissed off at that they replaced Barack Obama with a bigoted con man who questioned whether the Black president was even born in this country, and when their guy lost the next election, his people tried to start a coup. And yet people still act like the Constitution is our most hal- lowed ground. I get it from Republicans; white supremacist gov- ernments aren’t a deal breaker for them. And I’ll admit that the Constitution is not without its charms. That stuff about banning cruel and unusual punishment, for instance? Fantastic. Everybody should ban it. I wish I could like that amendment twice. Too bad we actually don’t. That’s the thing about the Constitution: many of the rules, rights, prohibitions, and concepts are actually pretty decent. The problem is they’ve never been applied to all of the people living here. Not even for a day just to see how it would feel. They’ve never been any- thing more than a cruel tease. Most of our written principles serve only as a mocking illustration that the white people running this place know the right thing to do but simply refuse, out of spite, to do it. The Constitution is the impassive villain pouring a bottle of water into the ground in front of you as you’re driven mad by thirst. And so I have written this book. My goal is to expose what the Constitution looks like from the vantage of a person it was designed to ignore. My goal is to illustrate how the interpretation of the Con- stitution that conservatives want people to accept is little more than 4 Introduction an intellectual front for continued white male hegemony. And my goal is to help people understand the key role the courts play in interpreting the Constitution and to arm additional people with the knowledge, information, and resolve to fight conservatives for con- trol over the third branch of government in every election, and over every nomination. Everybody has seen the gleaming, air-brushed face of the Consti- tution. I’m going to tell you what this motherfucker looks like after it has had its foot on your neck for almost 250years. The perspec- tive is a little different. I believe more people would try to fix it if more people saw it for what it truly is. If this is your first time reading me, welcome. My name is Elie, and as I write this I am the justice correspondent for The Nation magazine. Prior to that, I was for a very long time a writer and edi- tor at Above the Law, the most-read legal-industry news site in the country. Sometimes I appear on television and radio programs where I talk about the law and scream about Republicans. I was the legal editor of More Perfect, an excellent (dare I say) podcast about the Supreme Court that was produced by the same people who make Radiolab. I’ve been covering this space for over ten years now, as a journalist. I used to be a lawyer, though not technically a “barred attorney- at-law.” After I graduated from Harvard Law School in 2003, I worked as an associate attorney at Debevoise & Plimpton, one of the hundred or so most profitable law firms in the country. I passed the bar, but I never completed the rest of my bar application, mainly because I hated my job (no offense to Debevoise, which is a fantastic law firm, if you like being a corporate attorney), hated the practice of law, and wanted to get out almost as soon as I got in. Being barred wasn’t really necessary at a gigantic law firm where I was too junior ever to be the “named” attorney for any client any- way, and I felt like not being able to fall back on a law license would Introduction 5 motivate me to get out there and figure out what I really wanted to do. Things have worked out, and I have many nights of hunting mice in my old, crappy apartment to prove that I probably would have given up trying to become a writer had I maintained a reason- able escape route back to corporate law wealth. But I bring up my background in the law because hatred is a pret- ty big reason I’ve written this book. Not the healthiest emotion, I know, but for me it’s clarifying. What conservatives do and try to do through the Constitution and the law is disgusting. They use the law to humiliate people, to torture people, and to murder people, and tell you they’re just “following orders” from the Constitution. They frustrate legislation meant to help people, free people, or cure people, and they tell you it’s because of “doctrinal interpretative framework.” They use the very same legal arguments that have been used to justify slavery, segregation, and oppression for four hun- dred years on this continent and tell you it’s the only “objective” way of interpreting the law. Most legal stories and analysis scarcely acknowledge the dys- topian, apartheid state that conservatives are trying to recapture through legal maneuvers. Most people take all the blood out of it. Most people assume the law is a function of “both sides, operating in good faith,” without wrestling with what the polity would look like if conservatives actually got their way. Part of that is because lawyers are trained to be “dispassionate” when analyzing the law, almost robotic, as if the best lawyer would present like Data from Star Trek, the android programmed to self-improve. In case you haven’t already guessed, I reject that form of legal analysis. A 5–4 ruling on the Supreme Court directly affects the likelihood of me getting shot to death by the police while driving to the store. It directly affects whether my kids can walk to the bus stop unmolested and unafraid of the cops driving by. I refuse to

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