alienation of barabaig pasture land

351 Pages·2008·14.89 MB·English

UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX
ALIENATION OF BARABAIG PASTURE LAND:
POLICY IMPLICATIONS FOR PASTORAL DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA
9 1
CHARLES ROBERT LANE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
SUMMARY
Pastoralists are thought to be irrational accumulators of
livestock with land tenure systems structurally incapable of
efficient land use. This is reflected in national policies
that aim to destock pastoral herds, transform traditional
pastoral economy and take land from pastoralists for other
uses.
Detailed analysis of Barabaig pastoral production in Hanang
district of Tanzania, however, shows them to be rational
producers, willing and astute sellers of stock, without animals
surplus to subsistence needs.
Consistent with new thinking on common property theory that
challenges the "tragedy of the commons" as an accurate
reflection of pastoral land management, empirical evidence of
Barabaig customary land tenure arrangements shows them to be
effective in controlling land use.
The government, however, has appropriated pasture land for a
large scale wheat scheme, withdrawing vital grazing resources
from Barabaig production. It is shown that by failing to
recognise the potential value of Barabaig production and land
use, the scheme has not only had a detrimental effect on
Barabaig welfare, but also had an adverse impact on the
environment. The suitability of the scheme is further
questioned by a reassessment of its economic viability, and the -
costs of withdrawing land from the pastoral system.
Acquisition of land for the scheme has also contravened the law
because of a failure to respect Barabaig customary rights to
land derived from historical, political, physical, and
spiritual claims.
The study concludes by considering the implications of current
policies that continue to reflect inaccurate assumptions about
pastoral production and land tenure, and it suggests ways to
maximise the potential of pastoral production and resolve
conflicts over land in pastoral areas.
Et
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
No thesis can be written without the help of many people.
Foremost among these are the Barabaig of Hanang district who
provided most of the information presented here. Special
thanks go to the residents of Lagauj and - where I lived
throughout the study period and based my field work. They
allowed me to record the intimacies of their lives without
hindrance, and made me feel a most welcome resident in their
community. Very sincere thanks go to Gidaghula Langai and his
family who invited me to live in their household. I will always
remember them with the greatest affection. Within the
household I am especially grateful to Gidaghula for his
guidance and support, Martel who shared with me his detailed
knowledge of the natural world (including forage species
identification and collection), and Damarega, who helped
organise my Barabaig home.
I am grateful for the help of Udagambin Mairu and Charles
Gidaku who most ably assisted me with data collection.
I am especially grateful to members of the traditional Barabaig
leadership, their counsel Ringo Tenga of the Legal Aid
Committee of the University of Dar es Salaam, and Henry
Fosbrooke who all helped me in various ways with my research
into the land issue. The Barabaig are facing enormous
difficulties with this issue. I hope this thesis is a fair
testimony to their struggle.
I wish to thank Duncan Gitagnod and his wife, Mama Deo, who
welcomed me to their home in Katesh on many occasions. He has
for many years worked tirelessly and unselfishly to defend
Barabaig land rights. His historical perspective and detailed
knowledge of the land issue proved invaluable.
I also thank Gidamis Sumuni who allowed me to have a room at
his house at Jerodum, where I could rest and store materials.
Many thanks also go to All Ibrahim Abi and his family in Katesh
who cared for me so well, made wonderful bread and served
excellent coffee.
Introduction to the research area was assisted by: Herman
Mihindi, who toured with me and provided my first detailed look
at Hanang district and who, together with his wife Skola,
invited me to their home for food and rest at various times
throughout the research period; Father Dan Noud, who kindly let
me stay at the Nangwa mission until I had found a place to live
in the research area; Pius Shidat, whose early grasp of my
purpose and introduction to the residents of Balangda
facilitated a prompt and effective start to the study; Mzee
Gidamuhaled, then Chairman of Balangda village, who arranged
for me to live at Lagaujand.
Beyond Lagaujand I would like to give thanks for the support
and encouragement I received from many people. Hanang district
and Arusha region government officials who kindly cooperated
with my requests for information; NAFCO farm staff and Canadian
staff at Basotu who received me into their homes and allowed me
to borrow spare parts, service my car and gave me information
on the Tanzania Canada Wheat Scheme.
I am grateful to Mr Mungai, Botanist in Charge, and his
colleagues at the East African Herbarium, National Museums of
Kenya in Nairobi for their accurate identification of botanical
specimens.
Thanks also go to Andrew Harvey who allowed me to stay with him
in Arusha and enjoy the luxury of running water and a chance to
hear the world's news. Odhiambo Anacleti also welcomed me to
his home on many occasions. Joel Strauss's hospitality in Dar
es Salaam was also very much appreciated.
To my supervisor Jeremy Swift I will always be grateful for
compelling rigour of argument and accuracy in writing in this
thesis. I am also grateful to Adrian Leftwich"for informal
tutorials and continual encouragement. I was also assisted by
Ed Barbier, Josh Bishop, Nici Nelson, Ian Scoones and Camilla
Toulmin who read and made useful comments on drafts of various
chapters.
In preparation of the thesis I am particularly grateful to
Carol Lambourne who assisted with compilation of figures and
tables, and expert computer advice, overcame many technical
problems, and organised the printing of the thesis.
I owe much to those people and organisations who gave financial
support to my studies. OXFAM assisted with the importation of
a car to Tanzania. The Ford Foundation gave a grant for the
field work, and Program Officer, Diane Rocheleau, provided much
needed encouragement and assistance throughout the field work.
IIED co-funded the field work and provided me with office
facilities throughout the writing phase. Penny Smith kindly
lent me money at a time of particular difficulty.
Many friends and colleagues have supported me throughout my
studies. I am particularly grateful to Ana Maria Cabrera, Jan
Coutts, Mike Leach, Richard Moorehead, Susie Smith, Alison and
Tassere Tesfachew, David Telfer Smollett - to all of them I
offer my gratitude.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
SUMMARY
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES xii
LIST OF FIGURES xiv
ACRONYMS xvi
PREFACE xvii
SECTION 1 - INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 1 BACKGROUND AND METHOD
INTRODUCTION .2
THE BARABAIG 2
PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH 4
THE PASTORAL PREDICAMENT IN TANZANIA 9
THE OLD ORTHODOXY 11
THESIS STRUCTURE 13
SECTION II - THEORY & POLICY CONTEXT
CHAPTER 2 PASTORAL RATIONALITY AND
COMMON PROPERTY THEORIES
INTRODUCTION 17
CURRENT DEBATE .18
PASTORAL RATIONALITY 18
THE COMMON LAND PROBLEM 25
"Tragedy of the commons" 25
Caine theory 27
THEORETICAL CHALLENGE 29
Extended game theory 29
Social dimensions 30
Collective action 32
Property rights theory 34
"Tragedy of the unmanaged commons" 37
CONCLUSION 39
CHAPTER 3 RANGELAND DEVELOPMENT POLICY
SINCE COLONIAL PERIOD
INTRODUCTION 41
COLONIAL PERIOD 41
German conquest 41
Economic incorporation 42
Support for cultivation agriculture 45
Destocking 47
POST-COLONIAL POLICIES 48
Support for the "progressive farmer" 48
Socialism and self-reliance 49
Villaqization 49
"Operation Barabaiq" 52
Authoritarian state 53
Modernization 56
State production 57
Economic crisis 59
Liveastock development 61
Policy statements 65
CONCLUSION 69
SECTION III - BARABAIG ECONOMY & PRODUCTION
CHAPTER 4 LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION AND HERD DYNAMICS
INTRODUCTION 72
COMPARATIVE STUDIES 72
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BARABAIG ECONOMY 76
BARABAIG PRODUCTION 77
The sample 77
Data collection 82
LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION 85
Cattle 85
Herding 86
Small stock 87
Other stock 87
PRODUCTION COEFFICIENTS 88
Herd size 88
Herd structure 92
CATTLE REPRODUCTION 96
Age at first calving 96
Calving interval and fertility 97
Seasonality of calving 98
Cattle mortality 99
CONCLUSION 104
CHAPTER 5 LIVESTOCK HERD GROWTH, OFFTAKE AND MARKETING
INTRODUCTION 105
LIVESTOCK DEVELOPMENT DILEMMA 105
HERD GROWTH 106
CATTLE MARKETING 109
OFFTAKE 115
HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY 118
HERD GROWTH SIMULATION 122
CONCLUSION 125
CHAPTER 6 BARABAIG FOOD SYSTEM
INTRODUCTION 126
NUTRITIONAL ADEQUACY 126
MILK 127
HOUSEHOLD ENERGY REQUIREMENT 131
MILK AVAILABILITY 132
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GRAIN PRODUCTION 136
Maize 138
Traded grain 141
MEAT 145
OTHER FOODS 147
COMPOSITION OF DIET 148
SEASONALITY 151
NUTRITIONAL STATUS 151
CONCLUSION 152
CHAPTER 7 WEALTH DIFFERENTIATION
INTRODUCTION 153
EGALITARIAN SOCIETY 153
Wealth distribution mechanisms 155
Saragat 158
WEALTH RANKING 158
Farm size 160
Comparison with Dirma/Gawidu 166
FOOD SELF-SUFFICIENCY 167
Household economy 170
CONCLUSION 174
SECTION IV - COMMON LAND
CHAPTER 8 PASTORAL LAND USE
INTRODUCTION 177
HANANG LAND SYSTEM 178
Topography 178
Soils 179
Hydrology 181
Climate 181
Vegetation 185
GRAZING RESOURCES 187
Grass growth 187
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Trees and shrubs 188
Water 189
Salt 191
FORAGE REGIMES 192
TRADITIONAL GRAZING ROTATION 194
CONCLUSION 205
CHAPTER 9 BARABAIG LAND
INTRODUCTION 206
HISTORICAL DOMAIN 207
Background 207
History of occupation 208
POLITICAL DOMAIN 212
Background 212
Barabaig Native Authority 213
Tsetse control 214
PHYSICAL DOMAIN 216
Customary land use practices 216
Domestic habitation 217
Cultivation 219
Range management 219
SPIRITUAL DOMAIN 221
Parables 221
Burial Mounds 225
CONCLUSION 227
CHAPTER 10 BARABAIG CUSTOMARY LAND TENURE
INTRODUCTION 229
LEGAL DEFINITION 229
Barabaig concept of property 233
_Property relations 234
COMMON LAND TENURE 235
Usufruct 235
Customary rules 238
A. Tribal property 238
1. Reserved clan grazing 239
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