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Front Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Autumn, 1990) Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486891 . Accessed: 02/07/2011 16:35 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review. http://www.jstor.org AJS VOL. XV, NO. 2 FALL1 990 TheJ ournalo f the Associationf or JewishS tudies 'EI OREIE VolumeX V, Number 2, Fall 1990 ASSOCIATION FOR JEWISH STUDIES CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS AJS Review EDITOR: Norman A. Stillman, State University of New York at Binghamton ASSOCIATE EDITORS: Nehama Aschkenasy, University of Connecticut, Stamford Robert Goldenberg, State University of New York at Stony Brook Paula E. Hyman, Yale University Alfred L. Ivry, New York University Benjamin C. I. Ravid, Brandeis University S. David Sperling, Hebrew Union College- Jewish Institute of Religion CORRESPONDING EDITOR: Lloyd P. Gartner, Tel-Aviv University BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Gary A. Rendsburg, Cornell University EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Susan O. Savitch The AJS Review (ISSN 0364-0094) is published twice annually by the Association for Jewish Studies. Manuscripts for consideration should be sent to Prof. Norman A. Stillman, Judaic Studies Program, State University of New York at Binghamton, Binghamton, N. Y., 13901. Books for review should be sent to Prof. Gary A. Rendsburg, Dept. of Near Eastern Studies, 360 Rockefeller Hall, Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y. 14853-2502. ? 1990 by the Association for Jewish Studies MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AJS REVIEW THE JOURNALO FT HEA SSOCIATIONF ORJ EWISHS TUDIES VOLUMEX V, NUMBER2 , FALL, 1990 Articles 151 EDWARD L. GREENSTIEN The Formation of the Biblical Narrative Corpus 179 RICHARDK ALMIN Saints or Sinners, Scholars or Ignoramuses? Stories About the Rabbis as Evidence for the Composite Nature of the Babylonian Talmud 207 JACOB LASSNER The Covenant of the Prophets: Muslem Texts, Jewish Subtexts 239 ARNOLD EISEN Divine Legislation as "Ceremonial Script": Mendelssohn on the Commandments 269 KEN FRIEDEN New(s) Poems: Y. L. Teller's Lider fun der Tsayt(ung) Book Reviews 291 Arye Maimon, in collaboration with Yacob Guggenheim. Germania Judaica. Vol. 3, 1350-1519 JOSEPH SHATZMILLER 293 R. Po-chia Hsia. The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany. JOSEPH DAVIS 295 Michael Stanislawski. For Whom Do I Toil? Judah Leib Gordona nd the Crisis of Russian Jewry. 299 CollectedS tudies 305 Books Received Publication of this volume of the AJS Review has been made possible by grants from the National Foundation for Jewish Culture, the Lucius N. Littauer Foundation, the S. H. and Helen R. Scheuer Family Foundation, and the Dorot Foundation. The Association is grateful for their support and encouragement. The Formation of the Biblical Narrative Corpus Author(s): Edward L. Greenstein Source: AJS Review, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Autumn, 1990), pp. 151-178 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486892 . Accessed: 02/07/2011 16:35 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review. http://www.jstor.org THE FORMATIONO F THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVE CORPUS by EDWARD L. GREENSTEIN Following the lead of Spinoza,' most of us have come to regard the sequence of Hebrew narrative from Genesis through Kings as a unified liter- ary composition. It tells the story of Israel and its God from the creation of sky and land through the exile of Israel from its particular land. Although the anonymous narrator focuses on the fate of his people, he virtually always tries to identify with YHWH's point of view. For this reason, and possibly others, the narrator submerges his own identify and background.2 This essay was originally presented at "The Hebrew Bible in the Making," a conference held at the National Humanities Center, April 27-29, 1988. I am grateful to Professor Shemaryahu Talmon for inviting the paper; to my thoughtful respondents, Professors David Daiches and Regina Schwartz; to the several participants in the conference who made helpful suggestions; and to my colleague David Marcus, who provided food for thought and material in composing this paper. 1. Benedict de Spinoza, Theologico-Political Treatise (New York: Dover Books, 1951), chap. 8 (pp. 120-132). 2. Cf. Meir Sternberg, The Poetics of Biblical Narrative (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1985), esp. pp. 89-90. 151 152 EDWARD L. GREENSTEIN Unlike his near-contemporary Herodotus, who begins his Histories by introducing himself and his explicit agenda, the Hebrew author speaks from a perspective as wide as the cosmos. He would seem to assume the authority of God and give voice to a divinely certified account of his people's his- torical experiencet o (one assumes)h is own community. There is a broad consensus that the entire narrative took something like its present shape in the sixth to fifth centuries B.C.E.N o one imagines that the author composed the whole from scratch, but when we begin to specu- late on what exactly lay before the author and where those materials came from, we find a wide array of literary historical models. Some posit a process of several centuries, from as far back as the mid-second millennium to the fifth century.3 Others see intense literary activity toward the end of this period, utilizing documents of some antiquity, but composing the bulk of the work de novo.4W ithin this rough scheme lie a large variety of positions.5 Confronted by many alternatives, one might conclude that it is best to give up the search. Gunkel had warned decades ago: 3. Cf., e.g., E. A. Speiser, "The Biblical Idea of History in Its Common Near Eastern Set- ting," in The Jewish Expression, ed. Judah Goldin (New York: Bantam Books, 1970), pp. 1-17, esp. p. 8, who maintains that the Hebrew "canon" began to "emerge"-"no doubt in oral form at first"-in the mid-second millennium, "close to the age of the patriarchs." In his Anchor Bible Genesis (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1964), pp. 105-109, Speiser argued that the Genesis 14 tale about Abraham's warring is based on an early-second-millennium Akka- dian source. Alexander Rof6, "The Story of Rebekah's Betrothal (Genesis 24)," Eshel Beer- sheva 1 (1976): 42-67, esp. p. 45 [in Hebrew], represents a more moderate position, according to which some biblical texts may have second-millennium origins, while others, like Genesis 24, may derive from the postexilic period. Shemaryahu Talmon, "Kingship and the Ideology of the State," in World History of the Jewish People, ed. Abraham Malamat and Israel Eph'al (Jeru- salem: Massada, 1979), vol. 4/2, pp. 3-26, may not attribute historical Israelite sources to as far back as the second millennium B.C.E.,b ut he views the literary growth of biblical historio- graphy as a centuries-long process (esp. p. 3). 4. Cf., e.g., John Van Seters, In Search of History: Historiography in the Ancient Worlda nd the Origins of Biblical History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983). For an only some- what more moderate view, cf. Klaus Koch, The Growth of the Biblical Tradition: The Form- Critical Method, trans. S. M. Cupitt, 2nd ed. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1969), who posits early oral traditions but holds that they were given written form only "relatively late" (pp. 84-85). The exilic Deuteronomist, writes Koch (p. 85), "had some sources at his disposal, but apparently only some." 5. For a survey of recent scholarship, see Douglas A. Knight, "The Pentateuch," and Peter R. Ackroyd, "The Historical Literature," in The Hebrew Bible and Its Modern Interpreters,e d. D. A. Knight and Gene M. Tucker (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1985), pp. 263-305; and cf. Simon J. De Vries, "A Review of Recent Research in the Tradition History of the Pentateuch," in Society of Biblical Literature 1987 Seminar Papers, ed. Kent H. Richards (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987), pp. 459-502. FORMATION OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVE CORPUS 153 It is clear that [becausew e don't know the historicalc ircumstanceso f the Hebrew sources' composition] a history of Hebrew literature,m eaning an indicationo f the chronologicalo rder of the Old Testamentw ritingsa nd an exposition of each writingi n the light of the personalityo f the author of it, cannot possibly be written.6 Most of us, however, will not close the door altogether on the historical question. Too much is at stake. To say anything at all about ancient Israelite history, one must have some theory of how the Bible and its sources were formed. What world, or piece of a world, does the literature represent? Even to read the text as literature, one must have some idea of its historical set- ting.7 Certainly the historical dimension enriches the reading experience. Everyone who reads the Bible presupposes a historical context. Some are curious enough to ponder the historical development of the Bible carefully and articulate their views. In what follows, I shall describe some types of literary historical reconstruction. I shall try to indicate the sorts of evidence and argumentation that are adduced in support of the various models. I shall then tackle the question of the origins of the narratives that constitute the Bible's primary history (Genesis-Kings)8 by examining certain kinds of evidence in detail, assessing the power of different historical theories to han- dle such evidence. When I consider the various models by which the primary biblical narra- tive was formed, I think of the story of the blind men and the elephant.9 You will recall that each of five blind men approaches a different part of an ele- phant's anatomy. Perceiving only part of the elephant, each man draws a different conclusion as to the identity of what he encounters. I do not mean 6. Hermann Gunkel, What Remains of the Old Testament and Other Essays, trans. A. K. Dallas (New York: Macmillan, 1928), p. 58 (= Reden und Aufsdtze [Gbttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1913], p. 30). 7. Cf. Sternberg, Poetics of Biblical Narrative, esp. p. 17. 8. David N. Freedman, "The Earliest Bible," in Backgroundsf or the Bible, ed. Michael P. O'Connor and D. N. Freedman (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1987), pp. 29-37; cf. S. R. Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1956), p. 4. 9. On theoretical models in biblical criticism, see Luis Alonso Sch6kel, "Of Methods and Models," Vetus TestamentumS upplements 36 (1985): 3-13; and my "Theory and Argument in Biblical Criticism," Hebrew Annual Review 10 (1987): 77-93 (slightly revised in my Essays on Biblical Method and Translation [Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989], pp. 53-68). Cf., too, Norman K. Gottwald, The Hebrew Bible: A Socio-Literary Introduction (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985). 154 EDWARD L. GREENSTEIN to imply that Bible scholars are blind, but I do suggest that the literary his- tory of Hebrew narrative is at least as bulky and complex as an elephant and that without an explicit historical context we find ourselves in the dark. Although no model I know does full justice to the diverse data-to the entire elephant, as it were-each theory makes a reasonable hypothesis about some aspect of the phenomenon. Take first the classical form of the Documentary Hypothesis-the theory that a redactor compiled a text from preexisting documents.'0 Its subscribers respond most acutely to what they regard as unwarranted repeti- tion and consistent variation. In the words of A. Lods: It will be understoodt hat by carefulo bservationo f doublets,a bruptc hanges, differenceso f vocabularya nd style, referencetso earliera ccounts,i t is possible to distinguisht he differenth andsw hich have helpedt o producet he books as we read them today." The documentary model provides a straightforward solution to such data as: similar stories that appear at least twice, laws that occur in different places with distinctive vocabulary and sometimes variant content, and re- petitive passages (that can be explained as conflations of discrete sources, such as the Genesis flood story). Lods saw evidence for the documentary model within the Bible itself, especially in the Chronicler's use of Samuel and Kings.'2 The so-called Deuteronomistic History was composed, in Lods's scheme, by editing sources such as those that lay behind the Torah narratives, and by adding both oral traditions from later history and pri- mary documents from the royal court.'3 10. For recent evidence that this theory is alive and well, cf. Richard E. Friedman, Who Wrote the Bible? (New York: Summit, 1987). 11. Adolphe Lods, Israel from Its Beginnings to the Middle of the Eighth Century, trans. S. H. Hooke (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1932), p. 11. 12. Lods, loc. cit.; cf., e.g., H. H. Rowley, The Growth of the Old Testament, 3rd ed. (Lon- don: Hutchinson University Library, 1967), pp. 25-26. One may also compare the hypothe- sized use by the Torah's redactor of the Numbers 33 itinerary in providing a framework for the exodus and wilderness trek narratives; see Frank M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973), pp. 308-317; cf. George W. Coats, "The Wilderness Itinerary," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 34 (1972): 135-152. 13. Lods, Israel from Its Beginnings, p. 13; cf., e.g., Julius A. Bewer, The Literature of the Old Testament, 3rd ed., rev. by Emil G. Kraeling (New York: Columbia University Press, 1962), esp. pp. 47-48; Jared J. Jackson, "David's Throne: Patterns in the Succession Story," Canadian Journal of Theology 11 (1965): 183-195, esp. 183-184.

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