A History of Philosophy [Vol IV]

193 Pages·5.638 MB·English

by  Frederick Charles Copleston

A History of Philosophy by Frederick Copleston, S.J.
A HISTORY
VOLUME I: GREECE AND ROME
From the Pre-Socratics to Plotinus
OF
VOLUME II: MEDIEVAL PHILOSOPHY
From Augustine to Duns Scotus
VOLUME III: LATE MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE PHILOSOPHY PHILOSOPHY
Ockham, Francis Bacon, and the Beginning of the Modern World
VOLUME IV: MODERN PHILOSOPHY
From Descartes to Leibniz
VOLUME V: MODERN PHILOSOPHY
The British Philosophers from Hobbes to Hume
VOLUME VI: MODERN PHILOSOPHY
From the French Enlightenment to Kant
"VOLUME VII: MODERN PHILOSOPHY
From the Post-Kantian Idealists to Marx, Kierkegaard, and Nietzsche
"VOLUME VIII: MODERN PHILOSOPHY
Empiricism, Idealism, and Pragmatism in Britain and America
"VOLUME IX: MODERN PHILOSOPHY
From the French Revolution to Sartre, Camus, and Levi-Strauss
"Available March 1994
A HISTORY
OF
PHILOSOPHY
VOLUME IV
Modern Philosophy: From
Descartes to Leibniz
Frederick Copleston, S.J.
IMAGE BOOKS
DOUBLEDAY
New York London Toronto Sydney Auckland
CONTENTS
Prill
PREFACE xi
AN IMAGE BOOK I. INTRODUCTION 1
PUBLISHED BY DOUBLEDAY Continuity and novelty: the early phase of modem philosophy in
its relation to mediaeval and Renaissance thought-Continental
a division of Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc. rationalism: its nature, its relation to scepticism and to neo
1540 Broadway, New York, New York 10036 Stoicism, its development-British empiricism: its nature and its
development-The seventeenth century-The eighteenth cen
tury-Political philosophy-The rise of the philosophy of
IMAGE, DOUBLEDAY, and the portrayal of a deer drinking from a stream are
history-Immanuel Kant.
trademarks of Double~ay, a division of Bantam Doubleday Dell
Publishing Group, Inc.
II. DESCARTES (I)
First Image Books edition of Volume IV of The History of Philosophy published Life and works-Descartes' aim-His idea of method-The
theory of innate ideas-Methodic doubt.
1963 by special arrangement with The Newman Press and Burns & Oates, Ltd.
This Image edition published January 1994. III. DESCARTES (2)
Cogito, "go sum-Thinking and the thinker-The criterion of
truth-The existence of God-The accusation of a vicious
De Licentia Superioru.m Ordinis: J. D. Boyle, S.J., Praep. Provo Angliae circle-The explanation of error-The certainty of mathematics
-The ontolOgIcal argument for God's existence.
Nihil Obstat: J. L. Russell, S.J., Censor Deputatus
Imprimatur: Franciscus, Archiepiscopus Birmingamiensis Birmingamiae die IV. DESCARTES (3) u6
25 Julii 1957 The existence of bodies-Substances and their principal attri
butes-The relation between mind and body.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
V. DESCARTES (4) 124
Copleston, Frederick Charles. The qualities of bodies-Descartes and the dogma of transub
A history of philosophy. stantiation-Space and place-Motion-Duration and time-
The origin of motion-The laws of motion-The divine activity
Includes bibliographical references and indexes. in the world-Living bodies.
Contents: V. 1. Greece and Rome-[etc.]-
V. 4. From Descartes to Leibniz-v. 5. The British VI. DESCARTES (5) 139
philosophers from Hobbes to Hume-v. 6. From the
Man's awareness of freedom-Freedom and God-Provisional
French Enlightenment to Kant. ethics and moral science-The passions and their control-The
1. Philosophy-History. I. Title. nature of the good-Comments on Descartes' ethical ideas
B72.C62 1993 190 92-34997 General remarks about Descartes.
ISBN 0-385-47041-X
VII. PASCAL • 153
Volume IV copyright © 1960 by Frederick Copleston Life and spirit of Pascal-The geometrical method, its scope and
limits-'The heart'-Pascal's method in apologetics-The
All Rights Reserved wretchedness and the greatness of man-The wager-argument
Pascal as a philosopher.
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 VIII. CARTESIANISM: • 174
The spread of Cartesianism-Geullncx and the problem of
interaction.
vii
CONTENTS CONTENTS
VIII IX
Chapter Page Chapter
IX. MALEBRANCHE 180 XVIII. LEIBNIZ (4)
Life and writings-The senses, the imagination, the understand The ontological argument-The argument to God's existence
ing; avoidance of error and attainment of truth-God as the from eternal truths-The argument from truths of fact-The
only true cause-Human liberty-The vision of eternal truths argument from the pre-established harmony-The problem of
in God-Empirical knowledge of the soul-Knowledge of other evil-Progress and history.
minds and of the existence of bodies-God's existence and
attributcs-Malebranche in relation to Spinoza, Descartes and
Berkeley-The influence of Malebranche. ApPENDIX: A SHORT BIBLIOGRAPHY 333
X. SPINOZA (I) 205 INDEX 347
Life-Works-The geometrical method-The influence of other
philosophies on Spinoza's thought-Interpretations of Spinoza's
philosophy.
XI. SPINOZA (2) 214
Substance and its attributes-Infinite modes-The production
of finite modes-Mind and body-The elimination of final
causality.
XII. SPINOZA (3) 230
Spinoza's levels or degrees of knowledge-Confused experience;
universal ideas; falsity-Scientific knowledge-Intuitive know
ledge.
XIII. SPINOZA (4)
Spinoza's intention in his account of human emotions and con
duct-The eonatus; pleasure and pain-The derived emotions
Passive and active emotions-Servitude and freedom-The
intellectual love of God-The 'eternity' of the human mind-An
inconsistency in Spinoza's ethics.
XIV. SPINOZA (5)
Natural right-The foundation of political society-Sovereignty
and government-Relations between States-Freedom and
toleration-Spinoza's influence and different estimates of his
philosophy.
XV. LEIBNIZ (I)
Life-The De al't, combinatoria and the idea of harmony
Writings-Different interpretations of Leibniz's thought.
XVI. LEIBNIZ (2) 273
The distinction between truths of reason and truths of fact
Truths of reason or necessary propositions-Truths of fact or
contingent proposi tions-The principle of perfection-Su bstance
-The identity of indiscernibles-The law of continuity-The
'panlogism' of Leibniz.
XVII. LEIBNIZ (3) 295
Simple substances or monads-Entelechies and prime matter
Extension-Body and corporeal substance-Space and time
The pre-established harmony-Perception and appetite-Soul
and body-Innate ideas.
PREFACE
AT the end of Volume III of this History of Philosophy I expressed
the hope of covering the period from Descartes up to and including
Kant in the fourth volume. I meant, of course, that I hoped to
discuss the whole of this part of modem philosophy in one book.
This hope, however, has not been fulfilled. I have found myself
compelled to devote three books to the period in question. And
for the sake of convenience I have made each of these three books
a separate volume. Volume IV, Descartes to Leibniz, deals with
the great rationalist systems of philosophy on the Continent in the
pre-Kantian period. In Volume V, Hobbes to Hume, I discuss the
development of British philosophy from Hobbes up to and includ
ing the Scottish philosophy of common sense. In Volume VI,
Wolff to Kant, I shall treat of the French Enlightenment and of
Rousseau, of the German Enlightenment, of the rise of the
philosophy of history from Vico to Herder, and finally of the system
of Immanuel Kant. The title, Wolff to Kant, is certainly not
ideal; but in view of the fact that in his pre-critical days Kant
stood in the Wolffian tradition there is at least something to be
said in its favour, whereas a title such as Voltaire to Kant would
be extremely odd.
As in former volumes, I have divided the matter according to
philosophers rather than by following out the development of
first one and then another philosophical problem. Furthermore,
I have treated some philosophers at considerable length. And
though I think that division of the matter according to philo
sophers is the most convenient division for the readers whom I
have principally in mind, this method certainly has its dis
advantages. Faced by a number of different thinkers and by more
or less detailed descriptions of their ideas, the reader may fail to
grasp the general picture. Further, though I think that the old
division into continental rationalism and British empiricism is
justified, provided that a number of qualifications are added, a
rigid adherence to this scheme is apt to give the impression that
continental philosophy and British philosophy in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries moved on two sets of parallel straight
lines, each developing in entire independence of the other. And
this is an erroneous impression. Descartes exercised a modest
xi
PREFACE
XII PREFACE
XIII
influence on British thought; Berkeley was influenced by Malc
a volume such as the present. In the chapters on Descartes, for
branche; Spinoza's political ideas owed something to Hobbes; and
example, I have indeed cited the volume and page of the Adam
the philosophy of Locke, who wrote in the seventeenth century,
Tannery edition; but I have also given references, where feasible,
exercised a great influence on the thought of the French Enlighten according to chapter and section or part and section of the work in
ment in the eighteenth century.
question. The number of people who have easy access to the
As a partial remedy for the disadvantages attending the method
Adam-Tannery edition is extremely limited, just as few people
of division which I have chosen I decided to write an introductory possess the recent splendid critical edition of Berkeley. But cheap
chapter designed to give the reader a general picture of the
editions of the more important writings of the leading philosophers
philosophy of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It thus are easily obtainable; and in my opinion references should be
covers the matter discussed in Volumes IV, V and VI, which, as
given with a view to the convenience of students who possess such
I have said, I originally hoped to deal with in one volume. I have, editions rather than to that of the few who possess or have access
of course, placed this introduction at the beginning of Volume IV; to the recognized critical editions.
and there will therefore be no introductory chapters in Volumes
V and VI. A descriptive introduction of this sort inevitably
involves a good deal of repetition. That is to say, ideas which are
discussed in later chapters at greater length and in more detail
are roughly outlined in the introduction. None the less, I con
sider that the advantages to be gained by including a general
descriptive introduction greatly outweigh the accompanying
disadvantages.
At the end of each of the three previous volumes I have added
a 'Concluding Review'. But just as the introduction covers the
matter dealt with in Volumes IV, V and VI, so will the Concluding
Review. It will therefore be placed at the end of Volume VI, that
is, after the exposition of Kant's philosophy. In the course of this
Concluding Review I propose to discuss, not only from an his
torical but also from a more philosophical point of view, the
nature, importance and value of the various styles of philosophiz
ing of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. I think that it is
better to reserve such discussion until after the historical exposition
of the thought of the period than to interrupt this exposition
with general philosophical reflections.
Finally a word about references. References such as 'Vol. II, ch.
XL' or 'See vol. III, pp. 322-4' refer to this History of Philosophy.
As for references to the writings of the philosophers with whom
I deal, I have tried to give these in a form which will be of use to
the student who wishes to look them up. Some historians and
expositors have the practice of giving references according to
volume and page of the recognized critical edition, when such
exists, of the writings of the philosopher in question. But I am
doubtful of the wisdom of adhering exclusively to this practice in
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Continuity and novelty: the early phase of modern PhilosoPhy
in its relation to mediaeval and Renaissance thought-Con
tinental rationalism: its nature, its relation to scepticism and
to neo-Stoicism, its developme1u-British empiricism: its nature
and its development-The seventeenth centur:;I-The eighteenth
century-Political philosophy-The rise of the Philosophy 0/
history-Immanuel Kant.
I. MODERN philosophy is generally said to have begun with
Descartes (1596-1650) or with Francis Bacon (1561-1626) in
England and with Descartes in France. It is not perhaps im
mediately evident with what justification the term 'modern' is
applied to the thought of the seventeenth century. But its use
clearly implies that there is a break between mediaeval and post
mediaeval philosophy and that each possesses important charac
teristics which the other does not possess. And the seventeenth
century philosophers were certainly convinced that there was a
sharp division between the old philosophical traditions and what
they themselves were trying to do. Men like Francis Bacon and
Descartes were thoroughly persuaded that they were making a
new start.
If for a long time the views of Renaissance and post-Renaissance
philosophers were accepted at their face value, this was partly due
to a conviction that in the Middle Ages there was really nothing
which merited the name of philosophy. The flame of independent
and creative philosophical reflection which had burned so brightly
in ancient Greece was practically extinguished until it was revived
at the Renaissance and rose in splendour in the seventeenth
century.
But when at last more attention came to be paid to mediaeval
philosophy, it was seen that this view was exaggerated. And some
writers emphasized the continuity between mediaeval and post
mediaeval thought. That phenomena of continuity can be ob
served in the political and social spheres is obvious enough. The
patterns of society and of political organization in the seventeenth
century clearly did not spring into being without any historical
I
2 A HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY-IV INTRODUCTION 3
antecedents. We can observe, for instance, the gradual forma between mediaeval and post-mediaeval philosophy has been said,
tion of the various national States, the emergence of the great it remains true that there were considerable differences between
monarchies and the growth of the middle class. Even in the field them. For the matter of that, though Descartes was undoubtedly
of science the discontinuity is not quite so great as was once influenced by Scholastic ways of thought, he himself pointed out
supposed. Recent research has shown the existence of a limited that the use of terms taken from Scholastic philosophy did not
interest in empirical science within the mediaeval period itself. necessarily mean that the terms were being used in the same
And attention was drawn in the third volume of this History! senses in which they had been used by the Scholastics. And
to the wider implications of the impetus theory of motion as though Locke was influenced in his theory of natural law by
presented by certain fourteenth-century physicists. Similarly, a Hooker,l who had himself been influenced by mediaeval thought,
certain continuity can be observed within the philosophical sphere. the Lockean idea of natural law is not precisely the same as that
We can see philosophy in the Middle Ages gradually winning of St. Thomas Aquinas.
recognition as a separate branch of study. And we can see lines of We can, of course, become the slaves of words or labels. That
thought emerging which anticipate later philosophical develop is to say, because we divide history into periods, we may tend to
ments. For example, the characteristic philosophical movement lose sight of continuity and of gradual transitions, especially when
of the fourteenth century, generally known as the nominalist we are looking at historical events from a great distance in time.
movement,2 anticipated later empiricism in several important But this does not mean that it is altogether improper to speak of
respects. Again, the speCUlative philosophy of Nicholas of Cusa,3 historical periods or that no major changes take place.
with its anticipations of some theses of Leibniz, forms a link And if the general cultural situation of the post-Renaissance
between mediaeval, Renaissance and pre-Kantian modern thought. world was in important respects different from that of the
Again, scholars have shown that thinkers such as Francis Bacon, mediaeval world, it is only natural that the changes should have
Descartes and Locke were subject to the influence of the past to been reflected in philosophic thought. At the same time, just as
a greater degree than they themselves realized. changes in the social and political spheres, even when they seem
This emphasis on continuity was doubtless needed as a correc to have been more or less abrupt, presupposed an already existing
tive to a too facile acceptance of the claims to novelty advanced by situation out of which they developed, so also new attitudes and
Renaissance and seventeenth-century philosophers. It expresses aims and ways of thought in the field of philosophy presupposed
an understanding of the fact that there was such a thing as an already existing situation with which they were in some degree
mediaeval philosophy and a recognition of its position as an linked. In other words, we are not faced with a simple choice
integral part of European philosophy in general. At the same time, between two sharply contrasted alternatives, the assertion of dis
if discontinuity can be over-emphasized, so can continuity. 11 we continuity and the assertion of continuity. Both elements have
compare the patterns of social and political life in the thirteenth to be taken into account. There are change and novelty; but
and seventeenth centuries, obvious differences in the structure of change is not creation out of nothing.
society at once strike the eye. Again, though the historical factors The situation, therefore, seems to be this. The old emp'lasis on
which contributed to the occurrence of the Reformation can be discontinuity was largely due to failure to recognize that there
traced, the Reformation was none the less in some sense an was in the Middle Ages any philosophy worthy of the name.
explosion, shattering the religious unity of mediaeval Christendom. Subsequent recognition of the existence and importance of
And even though the seeds of later science can be discovered in mediaeval philosophy produced an emphasis on continuity. But
the intellectual soil of mediaeval Europe, the results of research we now see that what is required is an attempt to illustrate both
have not been such as to necessitate any substantial change of the elements of continuity and the peculiar characteristics of
view about the importance of Renaissance science. Similarly, different periods. And what is true in regard to our consideration
when all that can legitimately be said to illustrate the continuity of different periods is true also, of course, in regard to different
lpp. 165-7· I Vol. Ill, chs. III-IX. • Vol. III, ch. XV. 1 See vol. III, pp. 322-4.
4 A HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY- IV INTRODUCTION 5
individual thinkers. Historians are beset by the temptation to of the emergence of philosophy from the confines of the Schools.
depict the thought of one period as simply a preparatory stage The mediaeval philosophers were for the most part university
for the thought of the next period, and the system of one thinker professors, engaged in teaching. They wrote commentaries on the
as no more than a stepping-stone to the system of another thinker. standard texts in use at the universities, and they wrote in the
The temptation is, indeed, inevitable; for the historian con language of the learned, academic world. The modem philosophers
templates a temporal succession of events, not an eternal and in the pre-Kantian period, on the contrary, were in the majority
immutable reality. Moreover, there is an obvious sense in which of cases unconnected with the work of academic teaching.
mediaeval thought prepared the way for post-mediaeval thought; Descartes was never a university professor. Nor was Spinoza,
and there is plenty of ground for looking on Berkeley'S philosophy though he received an invitation to Heidelberg. And Leibniz was
as a stepping-stone between the philosophies of Locke and Hume. very much a man of affairs who refused a professorship because
But if one succumbs entirely to this temptation, one misses a he had quite another kind of life in view. In England Locke held
great deal. Berkeley's philosophy is much more than a mere stage minor posts in the service of the State; Berkeley was a bishop;
in the development of empiricism from Locke to Hume; and and though Hume attempted to secure a university chair, he did
mediaeval thought has its own characteristics. not succeed in doing so. As for the French philosophers of
Among the easily discernible differences between medIaeval and the eighteenth century, such as Voltaire, Diderot and Rousseau,
post-mediaeval philosophy there is a striking difference in forms they were obviously men of letters with philosophical interests.
of literary expression. For one thing, whereas the mediaevals Philosophy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was a
wrote in Latin, in the post-mediaeval period we find an increasing matter of common interest and concern among the educated and
use of the vernacular. It would not, indeed, be true to say that no cultured classes; and it is only natural that the use of the vernac
use was made of Latin in the pre-Kantian modem period. Both ular should have replaced the use of Latin in writings designed
Francis Bacon and Descartes wrote in Latin as well as in the for a wide public. As Hegel remarks, it is only when we come to
vernacular. So too did Hobbes. And Spinoza composed his works Kant that we find philosophy becoming so technical and abstruse
in Latin. But Locke wrote in English, and in the eighteenth that it could no longer be considered to belong to the general
century we find a common use of the vernacular. Hume wrote in education of a cultured man. And by that time the use of Latin
English, Voltaire and Rousseau in French, Kant in German. For had, of course, practically died out.
another thing, whereas the mediaevals were much given to the In other words, the original and creative philosophy of the early
practice of writing commentaries on certain standard works, the modern period developed outside the universities. It was the
post-mediaeval philosophers, whether they wrote in Latin or in creation of fresh and original minds, not of traditionalists. And
the vernacular, composed original treatises in which the com this is one reason, of course, why philosophical writing took the
mentary-form was abandoned. I do not mean to imply that the form of independent treatises, not of commentaries. For the
mediaevals wrote only commentaries; for this would be quite writers were concerned with developing their own ideas, free from
untrue. At the same time commentaries on the Sentences of Peter regard for the great names of the past and for the opinions of
Lombard 1 and on the works of Aristotle and others were charac Greek and mediaeval thinkers.
teristic features of mediaeval philosophical composition, whereas To say, however, that in the pre-Kantian period of modern
when we think of the writings of seventeenth-century philosophers philosophy the vernacular came to be employed in place of Latin,
we think of free treatises, not of commentaries. that independent treatises were written rather than commentaries,
The growing use of the vernacular in philosophical writing and that the leading philosophers of the period were not university
accompanied, of course, its growing use in other literary fields. professors, does not do very much to elucidate the intrinsic differ
And we can associate this with general cultural, political and social ences between mediaeval and post-mediaeval philosophy. And an
changes and developments. But we can also see in it a symptom attempt must be made to indicate briefly some of these differences.
1 See vol. II, p. 168. It is often said that modern philosophy is autonomous, the