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A Fraught Embrace: The Romance and Reality of AIDS Altruism in Africa PDF

299 Pages·2017·11.486 MB·English
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A Fraught Embrace PRINCETON STUDIES IN CULTURAL SOCIOLOGY Paul J. DiMaggio, Michèle Lamont, Robert J. Wuthnow, and Viviana A. Zelizer, Series Editors A list of titles in this series appears at the back of the book A FrAught EmbrAcE The Romance & Reality of AIDS Altruism in Africa Ann SwidlEr SuSAn cottS wA tkinS Princeton University Press Princeton and Oxford Copyright © 2017 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 6 Oxford Street, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TR press.princeton.edu Jacket photograph by Gerald Cotts All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-i n- Publication Data Names: Swidler, Ann, 1944– author. | Watkins, Susan Cotts, 1938– author. Title: A fraught embrace : the romance and reality of AIDS altruism in Africa / Ann Swidler and Susan Cotts Watkins. Other titles: Princeton studies in cultural sociology. Description: Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2017. | Series: Princeton studies in cultural sociology | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016039899 | ISBN 9780691173924 (hardcover : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: AIDS (Disease)— Malawi. | AIDS (Disease)— Patients— Services for— Malawi. | HIV infections— Social aspects— Malawi. | Non- governmental organizations— Malawi. | Antiretroviral agents— Malawi. | Voluntarism— Malawi. Classification: LCC RA643.86.M3 S95 2017 | DDC 362.1969792096897—d c23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016039899 British Library Cataloging- in- Publication Data is available This book has been composed in Baskerville 10 Pro Printed on acid- free paper. ∞ Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 contEntS Preface vii chAptEr 1. Introduction: Altruism from Afar 1 chAptEr 2. Fevered Imaginations 19 chAptEr 3. Lumbering Behemoths and Fluttering Butterflies: Altruists in the Global AIDS Enterprise 36 chAptEr 4. Cultural Production: A Riot of Color 57 chAptEr 5. Getting to Know Brokers 78 chAptEr 6. Brokers’ Careers: Merit, Miracles, and Malice 106 chAptEr 7. Themes That Make Everyone Happy: Fighting Stigma and Helping Orphans 123 chAptEr 8. Themes That Make Everyone Anxious: Vulnerable Women and Harmful Cultural Practices 138 chAptEr 9. A Practice That Makes Everyone Happy: Training 166 chAptEr 10. Creating Success 183 chAptEr 11. Conclusions: Doing Good Better 198 Acknowledgments 215 Notes 219 References 247 Index 269 prEFAcE bEginning in thE lAtE 1980S, the horror of the AIDS epidemic in Af- rica called forth an outpouring of compassion—a nd of romantic imagina- tion. Governments in wealthy countries created global organizations to fight the disease; church groups sent volunteers; ordinary people sent checks. There was a ferment of altruism in the Western world inspired by a desire to help others in far-a way places. We focus on AIDS as the key motivator of the global altruism we study. But altruists also target other issues, such as poverty and women’s empowerment, and embrace other transformative goals. Consequently, our analysis of global altruism widens beyond a focus on AIDS interventions alone. Much good has come from this altruism. Successful efforts to provide drugs that treat, if not cure, AIDS have extended the lives of millions who would otherwise have died. AIDS altruism, however, also inspired power- ful fantasies. Donors in wealthy countries, particularly those hoping to prevent, rather than just treat AIDS, have imagined that they can protect Africans by transforming them. Their fantasies have been reciprocated from the African side. Quests for transformation of both self and others constitute the essence of a romance. The ferment of AIDS altruism has also brought new opportunities to those whom we call “brokers”—e ducated or unusually entrepreneurial Af- ricans who mediate between foreign altruists and local people who are try- ing to survive the epidemic and care for those who are ill. Some brokers are employees in the many organizations working to transform Africans’ ways so that they can escape infection. Others are brokers-b y- chance— locals who often through an accidental contact assist foreign visitors who have come to help orphans or comfort the stricken. Western altruists and African brokers enact a romance in another sense too. As in a love story, both long for connection, albeit in different ways. They bring to their encounters their own hopes and dreams, and they often suffer disappointment and heartbreak. Sometimes there is an eventual con- summation, if not a perfectly happy ending. To function in such unfamiliar landscapes as Africa’s villages or urban slums, both large institutions and individual altruists need local guides— brokers who can connect them with those whom they would help. How- ever unromantic the term “broker” may sound, the foreigner’s dependence on the broker as guide, cultural interpreter, and sometimes friend can make vii Preface the relationship an emotionally charged one. From their side, brokers dream that someone who has come to fight AIDS will transform their lives. This mutual dependence, given the hopes and fantasies it arouses on both sides, creates a romance that often begins with a rush of infatuation but also can dissolve into disillusionment, disappointment, and even a sense of betrayal. Coming from different worlds heightens both the excitement of discov- ery and the dangers of misunderstanding. Altruists who come from afar, however, rarely recognize the brokers’ fantasies. This book, if it succeeds, should deepen readers’ understanding of what the romance of AIDS altru- ism is like from the perspectives of the brokers, who are critical but often ignored actors in the AIDS drama. We refer to altruists and donors almost interchangeably, although some altruists are volunteers who primarily give their time and effort, and others are institutions that just give money. The individuals who come in person to help and the institutional altruists—t he giant bureaucracies such as USAID or Save the Children—a ll depend on publics that are moved to help distant villagers. We use the term “villagers” to refer to the objects of the donor’s affections although they may be fishermen or small traders or live in urban slums. “Villagers” connotes to altruists and brokers poor communities in need of their help. Although villagers draw altruists, large and small, to Africa, most altruists have their deepest direct involvement with a broker. Few villagers ever meet either a donor or a broker, but they too dream that somehow, some day, they will be helped by an altruist from afar. The intense emotions that draw altruists to Africa are displayed in West- ern accounts. In 2003, a British newspaper, The Guardian, published “Sav- ing Grace,” a special supplement about the devastating effects of AIDS in Malawi, focused on Grace Matnanga, a young, HIV-p ositive (HIV+) woman. Once she had a husband. Once she had a child. Both are dead. “I was married for eight years,” she says. “My husband passed away in 1998. He collapsed and was taken to the Central Hospital and put on oxygen.” Like most of the young people who die, he had not been tested for HIV, but there’s little doubt that Aids killed him. He survived longer than their little daughter. Tiyajane was born in 1993, the longed- for fulfilment of marriage in Malawian society, where almost every young woman has a baby strapped to her back. Tiyajane appeared to be healthy at first, but then the weight gain slowed. She stopped thriving. She began to get sick. She picked up infections. When she died, aged three, she was a pitiful, wasted scrap, viii Preface the ulcers in her throat and mouth making the pain of swallowing more vicious than the pangs of hunger. At the time that Grace’s daughter was desperately ill, antiretroviral drug treatment (ARVs) had been developed in the West, but was neither widely available nor free in Malawi. The story concludes with the painful unfair- ness of Grace’s situation: “If ARVs were available and they were here, I would take them,” she says. She is no more indifferent to her life than her contemporary in an up- market shoe shop in Durham or Leeds. She’s just living on the wrong side of the global divide.1 The story drew such a response that the newspaper created the Saving Grace Foundation to buy antiretroviral treatment for poor Malawians. Later, as treatment became more widely available, the foundation provided nutri- tional foods and home based care for HIV+ Malawians, and beginning in 2007, “facilitators to work in schools and communities to raise awareness of HIV prevention through active and participatory theatre workshops.”2 In May 2000, a member of the US Congress, Sheila Jackson- Lee, de- scribed the gripping personal experience that inspired her to propose a government trust fund to “combat the AIDS epidemic”: When I traveled to Africa, I went in to visit some of the locales and villages where HIV-i nfected persons were living in desolation, alone, and without family support. . . . When I visited these bedridden individuals, I saw so many of them suffering, not only from the devastation of AIDS but they were suffering from tuberculosis. Sometimes they were left to be cared for by children as young as 4 and 6 years old, because other families had already died. One woman that I spoke to had already lost six members of her family, was HIV-i nfected herself along with her son. The reason is be- cause she nurtured her husband who died of this disease, and none of the family members would explain what was occurring to him. It is a question whether they even knew. So, of course she contracted the disease subsequently as well.3 Such moving stories turned ordinary people in wealthy nations and their governments into altruists of the global AIDS enterprise. ix

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