A Cultural History of British Euroscepticism The way Europe is commonly regarded in Britain appears a strong cultural force not easily escaped from. It is a bit like the famous ‘vertical line experiment’ (p. 29). Picture reproduced with permission of Nature Publishing Group from ‘Development of the Brain Depends on the Visual Environment’. Nature International Journal of Science. Vol. 228 no. 5278. DOI: 10.1057/9781137447555.0001 Other Palgrave Pivot titles Matthew Hollow: Rogue Banking: A History of Financial Fraud in Interwar Britain Alexandra Lewis: Security, Clans and Tribes: Unstable Clans in Somaliland, Yemen and the Gulf of Aden Sandy Schumann: How the Internet Shapes Collective Actions Christy M. 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Poffenbarger: The Formation of the BRICS and Its Implication for the United States: Emerging Together Donatella Padua: John Maynard Keynes and the Economy of Trust: The Relevance of the Keynesian Social Thought in a Global Society DOI: 10.1057/9781137447555.0001 A Cultural History of British Euroscepticism Menno Spiering University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands DOI: 10.1057/9781137447555.0001 © Menno Spiering 2015 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2015 978-1-137-44754-8 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saff ron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. Th e author has asserted his right to be identifi ed as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2015 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fift h Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN: 978–1–137–44755–5 PDF ISBN: 978-1-349-49623-5 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. www.palgrave.com/pivot doi: 10.1057/9781137447555 Contents Introduction 1 1 The Second World War 8 2 The European Other 20 3 The Island Story 30 4 The Invention of Europe 44 Conclusion 73 References 78 Index 84 DOI: 10.1057/9781137447555.0001 v Introduction Abstract: The UK–EU relationship is a troubled one. The reasons are usually explained with reference to international relations and party politics. The fact that the issue is frequently discussed under the heading ‘Britain and Europe’ is, however, an indication that British Euroscepticism has a strong cultural component. Britain is seen to be different from Europe. The nature and history of this perception of separation will be examined in the following four chapters. This introduction initiates the discussion by providing a brief analysis of devolution in the UK. Devolution has highlighted that ‘Britain’ must not be confused with ‘England’, that feelings of cultural separation tend to be tenacious and that British Euroscepticism might be English Euroscepticism. Spiering, Menno. A Cultural History of British Euroscepticism. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. doi: 10.1057/9781137447555.0002. DOI: 10.1057/9781137447555.0002 A Cultural History of British Euroscepticism It is obvious that the United Kingdom has always had deep reservations about the various schemes of post-war European integration. Stephen George famously dubbed the country ‘an awkward partner’ (George 1998). In 1973 the UK belatedly acceded to the Economic Community (EEC), but this was only the beginning of a continuously troubled relationship marked by party divisions, media hostility, opt-outs and opt-ins, and persistent calls for an in–out referendum. The question of why this should be so is frequently answered with reference to party politics and international relations. The UK’s attitude to European inte- gration is seen as the product of its recent loss of Empire; its relation to the Commonwealth; its attempt to remain a world player by pursuing a special relationship with the superpower the United States of America. The list of titles providing this type of analysis is so extensive that it cannot be reproduced here. The focus on politics and international relations is valid and essential. No student of UK–EU relations can or should avoid it. But it can side- step another important aspect of the troubled relationship. The UK–EU discussion is almost always referred to as ‘Britain and Europe’. A recent example to date is a speech on UK membership of the EU given by Prime Minister David Cameron on 23 January 2013. Called ‘Britain and Europe’, it was delivered against a blue background with these two words on prominent and permanent display. The widespread practice of talking about ‘Britain and Europe’ when addressing issues pertaining to the United Kingdom and the European Union is a strong indication that the troubled relations are not just about political aspirations or disagreements. There is a disconnect that goes much deeper than mere frictions between a member state and an institution. Apparently, we are dealing with two opposing concepts. The one is called Britain, the other Europe. When European matters are discussed in Britain this discourse of distinction almost always slips in. Speaking against UK membership of the EEC at the Labour conference in Brighton in 1962, Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell exclaimed ‘We are not part of Europe, at least not yet!’ (Gaitskell 1996, 24). Cameron was more careful, proposing that the British are not ‘somehow un-European’. Both Gaitskell and Cameron present the distinction between Britain and Europe as a matter of attitude, customs or culture. Gaitskell portrays Europe and the Europeans as undemo- cratic; Cameron declares the British are different because they ‘have the character of an island nation: independent, forthright, passionate in DOI: 10.1057/9781137447555.0002 Introduction defence of our sovereignty’ (Cameron 2013). To suggest that Britain is not quite like Europe is by no means the prerogative of politicians. On the contrary, it is so common that it is easily missed, like a smell that loses its potency the longer it lingers. In Britain it makes perfect sense to say one will be travelling ‘to Europe’, that one likes ‘European food’, ‘European music’, etc. Europe is an outland; the Europeans are outland- ers. It is this matter of a perceived cultural distinction between Britain and Europe that needs to be explored fully to understand the troubled relationship. It is likely that the UK–EU issues are but symptoms of an important underlying sense of alienation. If there is Euroscepticism in Britain, it is literally just that. In UK–EU analyses it can be controversial to move away from politics, treaties and international relations to the role of culture or sentiments of national identity. Andrew Geddes states that ‘it is absurd to imagine that there is some kind of predisposition in Britain to Euroscepticism, as though it were some kind of national trait or characteristic’ (Geddes 2013, 35). It would indeed be absurd to claim that the British are inher- ently non-European. Of course they are not. We are not dealing with an essential quality of Britishness, but with a perception, an idea of extra-Europeanness that is not eternal or innate, but can be traced and analysed. It would be equally absurd to try to determine whether the perceived distinctions between Britain and Europe are right or wrong. Who is right, Gaitskell or Cameron? Are ‘the Europeans’ really undemocratic? Are ‘the British’ really a special island people, but not ‘un-European’ at the same time? The aim of this book is certainly not to judge the veracity of these ideas. What is significant is not who is right, but that both Gaitskell and Cameron are singing from the same song sheet. In Britain it is perfectly possible to see Britain and Europe as two separate entities (to be compared, contrasted and perhaps to be found congruous) but two entities nevertheless. It is this fact that has a profound effect on Anglo-European relations; it is this fact that will be examined in the chapters of this book. Understanding the cultural component of the Britain-and-Europe debate can only result in a better understanding of the troubled relationship. Before embarking on the story of ‘Britain and Europe’ one important point needs to be addressed; it is the issue of Britain and England. Anyone writing about Britain must face the question of whether the subject is really Britain, or perhaps just England. Gone are the days when an author could make do by simply remarking ‘when I say “English” I really DOI: 10.1057/9781137447555.0002