2014 Sara Angevine ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

335 Pages·2014·1.8 MB·English

©2014
Sara Angevine
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 IN
 THE
 US
 CONGRESS:

POLICY
 OBJECTIVES,
 CONGRESSIONAL
 MOTIVATIONS,
 AND

THE
 ROLE
 OF
 POLICY
 ENTREPRENEURS

By

SARA
 ANGEVINE

A
 dissertation
 submitted
 to
 the
 Graduate
 School-­‐
 New
 Brunswick

Rutgers,
 The
 State
 University
 of
 New
 Jersey

In
 partial
 fulfillment
 of
 the
 requirements
 for
 the
 degree
 of

Doctorate
 of
 Philosophy

Graduate
 Program
 of
 Political
 Science

Written
 under
 the
 Direction
 of

Susan
 J.
 Carroll

And
 approved
 by

___________________________________________

__________________________________________

__________________________________________

__________________________________________

New
 Brunswick,
 New
 Jersey

October
 2014
ABSTRACT
 OF
 THE
 DISSERTATION

Women’s
 Rights
 Foreign
 Policy
 in
 the
 US
 Congress:

Policy
 Objectives,
 Congressional
 Motivations,
 and
 the
 Role
 Of
 Policy
 Entrepreneurs

By

SARA
 ANGEVINE

In
 my
 dissertation,
 I
 analyze
 how
 and
 why
 US
 members
 of
 Congress
 represent
 the

interests
 of
 women
 in
 foreign
 countries,
 what
 I
 call
 women’s
 rights
 foreign
 policy

(WRFP).
 I
 explore
 what
 motivates
 US
 members
 of
 Congress,
 with
 limited
 time
 and

resources,
 to
 legislate
 on
 behalf
 of
 foreign
 women
 and
 compare
 the
 differing
 WRFP

objectives.

 I
 apply
 a
 mixed-­‐method
 approach
 from
 a
 feminist
 theoretical

perspective.
 To
 assess
 the
 policy
 objectives,
 I
 conduct
 a
 content
 analysis
 of
 all
 WRFP

bills
 introduced
 in
 the
 US
 House
 of
 Representatives
 between
 1973-­‐2010.
 To
 analyze

congressional
 motivation,
 I
 construct
 a
 second
 dataset
 and
 gather
 relevant
 data
 on

all
 members
 of
 Congress
 (US
 House)
 for
 three
 different
 Congresses
 (2005-­‐10).
 Using

regression
 analysis,
 I
 test
 which
 factors
 increase
 the
 probability
 of
 a
 member

sponsoring
 a
 WRFP
 bill.
 To
 deepen
 my
 research
 findings,
 I
 conduct
 qualitative
 case

studies
 of
 the
 three
 most
 widely
 supported
 WRFP
 bills
 introduced
 during
 the
 111th

Congress
 (2009-­‐10):
 1)
 a
 bill
 supporting
 the
 ratification
 of
 the
 Convention
 on
 the

Elimination
 of
 All
 forms
 of
 Discrimination
 Against
 Women
 (CEDAW);
 2)

International
 Violence
 Against
 Women
 Act;
 and
 3)
 International
 Protecting
 Girls

from
 Child
 Marriage
 Act.
 In
 my
 research,
 I
 show
 the
 impact
 of
 domestic,
 foreign,
 and

ii
transnational
 interest
 groups
 on
 the
 US
 representation
 of
 global
 women's
 rights.
 I

find
 that
 both
 traditional
 women’s
 rights
 policy
 entrepreneurs
 (women
 members
 of

Congress)
 and
 traditional
 American
 foreign
 policy
 entrepreneurs
 (House
 Foreign

Affairs
 Committee
 members)
 are
 motivated
 to
 sponsor
 WRFP
 legislation.
 The

objectives
 of
 WRFP
 bills
 reflect
 these
 two
 divergent
 groups
 overlapping
 and

competing
 policy
 interests.
 This
 unique
 coalition
 results
 in
 broader
 support
 for
 what

I
 call
 “strategic
 feminist”
 goals
 and
 the
 persistent
 failure
 of
 “transnational
 feminist”

goals.
 I
 also
 show
 the
 constraints
 of
 domestic
 gender
 politics.
 My
 research

contributes
 to
 American
 politics,
 international
 relations,
 and
 women
 and
 politics

research.

  iii
Acknowledgements

It
 is
 difficult
 for
 one
 to
 accomplish
 anything
 without
 the
 faith,
 guidance,

prodding,
 and
 support
 of
 others.
 Firstly,
 I
 want
 to
 thank
 my
 dissertation
 chair,
 Susan

J.
 Carroll,
 for
 pushing
 me
 to
 not
 only
 produce
 stronger
 research
 but
 to
 also
 enjoy
 the

process.
 I
 thank
 her
 for
 her
 relentless
 faith
 in
 my
 work
 and
 in
 me.
 She
 is
 an
 excellent

role
 model
 and
 brilliant
 scholar,
 and
 her
 guidance
 greatly
 improved
 my
 work.
 I

thank
 my
 dissertation
 committee,
 Professors
 Kira
 Sanbonmatsu,
 Ross
 Baker,
 and
 J.

Ann
 Tickner,
 who
 were
 also
 incredibly
 helpful
 and
 encouraging
 as
 I
 worked
 through

obstacles
 and
 challenges
 of
 the
 research.
 I
 am
 deeply
 grateful
 for
 the
 entire
 Rutgers

Women
 and
 Politics
 program-­‐
 without
 its
 existence,
 I
 would
 have
 never
 even

considered
 graduate
 school.
 Professors
 Cyndi
 Daniels,
 Leela
 Fernandes,
 Jane
 Junn,

Mary
 Hawkesworth,
 Mona
 Lena
 Krook,
 Shatema
 Threadcraft,
 and
 Drucilla
 Cornell

were
 all
 so
 incredibly
 encouraging
 as
 well
 as
 challenging.
 I
 thank
 all
 of
 the
 past
 and

future
 members
 for
 creating
 a
 principled,
 rigorous
 academic
 space
 for
 feminist

political
 science
 scholarship.
 I
 am
 forever
 grateful.

A
 special
 thanks
 to
 Dr.
 Ruth
 Mandel,
 director
 of
 the
 Eagleton
 Institute
 of

Politics,
 who
 lent
 me
 a
 bicycle
 my
 first
 day
 as
 a
 Rutgers
 graduate
 student
 (my
 car

had
 died
 days
 before
 moving)
 and
 enthusiastically
 supported
 my
 scholarship.
 I

appreciate
 the
 entire
 team
 at
 the
 Center
 for
 American
 Women
 and
 Politics,
 who

have
 been
 behind
 me
 every
 step
 of
 the
 way,
 particularly
 Gilda
 Morales,
 who
 never

missed
 an
 opportunity
 to
 offer
 me
 words
 of
 encouragement,
 and
 Jean
 Sinzdak,
 who

first
 drew
 my
 attention
 to
 the
 growth
 in
 women’s
 rights
 in
 US
 foreign
 policy.
 I
 also

  iv
thank
 the
 Eagleton
 Institute
 of
 Politics
 for
 providing
 me
 a
 fellowship
 to
 support
 my

work
 as
 well
 as
 the
 necessary
 coffee
 to
 survive
 graduate
 school.

My
 fellow
 Women
 and
 Politics
 graduate
 students
 were
 invaluable,
 both

inside
 and
 outside
 of
 our
 time
 together
 at
 Rutgers.
 I
 deeply
 thank
 Anna
 Mitchell,

Helen
 Delfeld,
 Nadia
 Brown,
 Janna
 Ferguson,
 Nichole
 Shippen,
 and
 my
 cohort
 team

of
 Kelly
 Dittmar
 and
 Erin
 Heidt-­‐Forsythe,
 who
 have
 all
 helped
 shape
 this
 body
 of

work.
 A
 special
 thanks
 to
 Brittany
 Stalsburg,
 who
 has
 been
 an
 amazing
 source
 of

intellectual
 and
 emotional
 support
 through
 our
 time
 at
 Rutgers
 and
 beyond.
 Support

from
 other
 Rutgers
 graduate
 students
 also
 deepened
 the
 quality
 of
 this
 work
 as
 well

as
 helped
 maintain
 the
 joy
 of
 the
 process,
 I
 specially
 thank
 Wendy
 Wright,
 Mona

Kleinberg,
 Evren
 Yalez,
 Anahi
 Russo
 Garrido,
 Yelena
 Kalinsky,
 Anita
 Kurimay,

Bridget
 Gurtler,
 Alexandra
 Filandra,
 and
 Dana
 Brown.
 In
 the
 later
 stages,
 I
 relied

also
 upon
 the
 wit
 and
 editing
 skills
 of
 my
 friends
 in
 Brooklyn,
 Maggie
 Fay
 and
 Lisa

Chauveron
 who
 kept
 me
 going
 to
 the
 finish
 line.
 I
 must
 also
 thank
 the
 Athena
 team

at
 Barnard
 College
 for
 their
 support
 and
 guidance,
 and
 specifically
 Dr.
 Abigail
 Sara

Lewis
 who
 has
 played
 an
 incredible
 role
 in
 helping
 me
 see
 the
 project
 through.

I
 would
 also
 like
 to
 thank
 the
 Institute
 for
 Research
 on
 Women
 (IRW)
 at

Rutgers
 University
 for
 supporting
 my
 scholarship
 and
 fostering
 a
 dynamic
 space
 for

intellectual
 engagement.
 I
 thank
 Professors
 Rosi
 Braidotti
 and
 Joanna
 Regulska
 for

insisting
 that
 I
 pursue
 a
 PhD
 at
 Rutgers.
 That
 conversation
 on
 a
 patio
 in
 the

Netherlands
 is
 one
 I
 will
 never
 forget.

 A
 special
 thanks
 to
 my
 mentors,
 role
 models,

classmates
 and
 professors
 at
 the
 University
 of
 the
 Western
 Cape
 for
 not
 only

opening
 my
 eyes
 to
 the
 importance
 of
 feminist
 theory
 for
 political
 practice
 but
 also

  v
that
 the
 very
 nature
 of
 theory
 production
 is
 political:
 Mary
 Hames,
 Lindsay
 Clowes,

Tammy
 Shefer,
 Midi
 Achmat,
 Barbara
 Boswell,
 Theresa
 Smith,
 and
 Glynis
 Rhodes.
 I

also
 am
 grateful
 and
 appreciative
 to
 all
 of
 the
 people
 who
 participated
 in
 my
 study,

thank
 you
 for
 giving
 up
 your
 time
 and
 sharing
 your
 world
 with
 me.
 I
 am
 deeply

appreciative
 of
 all
 of
 the
 caring
 efforts
 of
 Nichole
 Hallberg,
 her
 faith,
 patience,

support,
 and
 practical
 editing
 skills
 were
 invaluable
 and
 she
 restored
 my
 confidence

when
 I
 needed
 most.
 I
 could
 not
 have
 finished
 without
 her.

 Finally,
 I
 dedicate
 this

dissertation
 to
 my
 parents,
 Helen
 Becker
 and
 Mark
 Angevine.
 They
 placed
 their
 love

and
 faith
 in
 me
 and
 never
 stopped.
 These
 principles
 of
 unconditional
 love
 and

passionate
 persistence
 are
 the
 most
 important
 lessons
 I
 have
 ever
 learned.

  vi
TABLE
 OF
 CONTENTS

ABSTRACT
 ............................................................................................................................................
 …ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
 ..........................................................................................................................
 iv

TABLE
 OF
 CONTENTS
 ............................................................................................................................
 vii

LIST
 OF
 FIGURES
 ...................................................................................................................................
 xii

LIST
 OF
 TABLES
 ....................................................................................................................................
 xiii

CHAPTER
 1.

 WHY
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 MATTER
 TO
 US
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 ...................................................
 1

LOOKING
 AT
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 IN
 US
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 ..........................................................................................
 4

WHY
 GLOBAL
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 MATTER
 .........................................................................................................
 10

THE
 VITAL
 ROLE
 OF
 WOMEN
 IN
 MAINTAINING
 NATIONAL
 BOUNDARIES
 ...................................................................
 12

THE
 IDEA
 OF
 GLOBAL
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 ............................................................................................................
 13

WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 AND
 US
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 ......................................................................................................
 15

REPRESENTING
 FOREIGN
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 IN
 THE
 US
 CONGRESS
 ..........................................................................
 17

Defining
 Women’s
 Rights
 Foreign
 Policy
 ......................................................................................................
 18

Conflicting
 Expectations
 ...............................................................................................................................
 20

METHODOLOGY
 ................................................................................................................................................
 23

METHODS
 ........................................................................................................................................................
 25

CHAPTER
 OUTLINE
 .............................................................................................................................................
 29

CHAPTER
 2.

 THE
 ROOTS
 OF
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 IN
 CONGRESS
 ....................................
 33

GENDER
 AS
 A
 CATEGORY
 OF
 ANALYSIS:
 LOOKING
 AT
 THE
 MEANING
 OF
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 ...............................................
 36

UNDERSTANDING
 CONGRESSIONAL
 MOTIVATION
 ....................................................................................................
 38

  vii
CONGRESSIONAL
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 ENTREPRENEURSHIP
 ...................................................................
 41

Rational
 Reelection
 .......................................................................................................................................
 42

Gain
 Status
 within
 the
 Institution
 .................................................................................................................
 45

Make
 Good
 Public
 Policy
 ...............................................................................................................................
 47

REPRESENTING
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 AND
 US
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 INTERESTS
 .......................................................................
 48

Domestic
 Women’s
 Rights
 Policy
 Entrepreneurs
 Expanding
 to
 Foreign
 Policy
 .............................................
 48

American
 Foreign
 Policy
 Entrepreneurs
 Expanding
 to
 include
 Women’s
 Rights
 ...........................................
 51

RESEARCH
 IMPLICATIONS
 ....................................................................................................................................
 53

CHAPTER
 3.

 GOALS:
 ASSESSING
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 OBJECTIVES
 ................................
 54

CREATING
 A
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 US
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 OBJECTIVE
 TYPOLOGY
 ..................................................................
 61

Content
 .........................................................................................................................................................
 61

Audience
 .......................................................................................................................................................
 64

TIMELINE
 1973-­‐2010
 .......................................................................................................................................
 67

RESULTS
 AND
 ANALYSIS
 ......................................................................................................................................
 70

Policy
 Objective
 Trends
 .................................................................................................................................
 71

1973-­‐1980
 Global
 Sisterhood
 .......................................................................................................................
 74

1981-­‐1980
 Economics
 and
 Family
 Planning
 .................................................................................................
 78

1991-­‐2000
 Women’s
 Health,
 Development,
 and
 Freedom
 ...........................................................................
 81

2000-­‐2010
 Strategic
 Feminism
 .....................................................................................................................
 85

HOW
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 MATTER
 TO
 US
 FOREIGN
 POLICY
 ........................................................................................
 89

CHAPTER
 4.

 INCENTIVES:
 COMPARING
 CONGRESSIONAL
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS
 FOREIGN
 POLICY

ENTREPRENEURSHIP
 .............................................................................................................................
 99

CONGRESSIONAL
 MOTIVATION:
 ENTREPRENEURSHIP
 ..............................................................................................
 101

  viii
Foreign
 Policy
 Entrepreneurship
 .................................................................................................................
 102

Women’s
 Rights
 Policy
 Entrepreneurship
 ...................................................................................................
 103

Women’s
 Rights
 in
 US
 Foreign
 Policy:
 Conflicts
 of
 Gender
 and
 Party
 .........................................................
 103

HYPOTHESES
 ...................................................................................................................................................
 105

ANALYSIS
 .......................................................................................................................................................
 109

RESULTS
 ........................................................................................................................................................
 113

WRFP
 Bill
 Sponsors
 .....................................................................................................................................
 113

Degree
 of
 WFRP
 Activity
 .............................................................................................................................
 116

DISCUSSION
 ....................................................................................................................................................
 119

CHAPTER
 5.

 GLOBAL
 WOMEN’S
 RIGHTS:
 THE
 UN
 CONVENTION
 ON
 THE
 ELIMINATION
 OF
 ALL
 FORMS
 OF

DISCRIMINATION
 AGAINST
 WOMEN
 (CEDAW)
 ....................................................................................
 131

EXPECTATIONS
 ................................................................................................................................................
 132

CEDAW
 SUMMARY
 ........................................................................................................................................
 137

POLICY
 HISTORY
 ..............................................................................................................................................
 140

United
 Nations
 and
 CEDAW
 ........................................................................................................................
 140

United
 States
 Congress
 and
 CEDAW
 ...........................................................................................................
 144

CONGRESSIONAL
 MOTIVATIONS
 .........................................................................................................................
 154

Support
 CEDAW:
 Democratic
 Women
 as
 Surrogate
 Representatives

 ........................................................
 155

Oppose
 CEDAW:
 Republican
 Men
 as
 Protectors
 of
 Traditional
 Women’s
 Roles
 and
 US
 Sovereignty.
 ........
 163

POLICY
 OBJECTIVES
 ..........................................................................................................................................
 170

Organizing
 in
 the
 US
 on
 Behalf
 of
 the
 Transnational
 Category
 of
 Women
 .................................................
 170

Reservations,
 Understandings,
 and
 Declarations
 on
 CEDAW’s
 Policy
 Objectives
 .......................................
 173

CEDAW
 AND
 STRATEGIC
 FEMINISM
 ...................................................................................................................
 177

  ix