1 Generation Y’s View on Household Division of Labor Rachel Moore Academic Distinction Paper Southeast Missouri State University Human Environmental Studies Department April, 2014 2 Abstract This purpose of this research study was to determine the preferences (egalitarian or traditional) for the division of household labor of Generation Y. A small sample of 100 Southeast Missouri State University undergraduate students was surveyed. Results reveal that Generation Y prefer to have similar division of household labor patterns to what their parents’ modeled for them which was more traditional. Females preferred slightly more egalitarian than did males. 3 Literature Review Over the last century women have increasingly transitioned from being homemakers to working outside the home. In 1900, only 18% of women ages 16 and over were in the workforce (Pearson Education, 2007) Today, roughly 59% of women over the age of 16 are in the workforce (U.S Department of Labor, 2010). However, as women increase their time working outside the home, the equitable divisions of household tasks have lagged. Men are taking on a larger share of the household tasks and there is a trend towards more egalitarian homes across generations. Many Generation Y’s (born in early 1980’s to 2000’s) grew up with dual earner parents who modeled gender roles pertaining to the completion of household tasks. The purpose of this study is to investigate the perceptions and expectations of Generation Y concerning the division of household tasks. Gender Roles The term “gender roles” has become a very common topic among our society. According to Olson, DeFrain and Skogrand (2011), gender roles are defined as society’s expectations about an individual’s actions and attitudes based solely on whether you are male or female. With these concrete ideals on how men and women should be, it can be hard for a person to break away from the norm. Our culture tends to pair males with masculinity and females with femininity, but that doesn’t mean that they automatically coincide with each other (Coltrane & Adams, 2008). These gender stereotypes are often boldly reflected in our media. Shows like Desperate Housewives and My Wife and Kids tend to carry much more significance than society may realize (Coltrane and Adams, 2008). Not only do we see these 4 gender roles on television, but our peers and parents generally reflect them as well. Schneider & Waite (2005) believe that mothers who transmit their attitudes regarding equal gender roles to their children will grow up with a more contemporary view on the division of household labor. They also concluded that if a father participates in more feminine housework, children grow up with more egalitarian expectations. Egalitarian families are striving to break the gender stereotypes of male dominance and move towards equality for both male and females (Olson, DeFrain & Skogrand, 2011). However, there is still quite a bit of unceratianty on how equal the workload actually is between males and females. Families in which both spouses work outside the home have already broken out of the traditional family façade, but on the spectrum of traditionalism to egalitarianism, they could be anywhere in between. In a stereotypical traditional family, the husband is the breadwinning leader of the family, while the mother stays home taking care of the children and the housework (Olson, DeFrain & Skogrand, 2011). Therefore, families that have two working parents are not technically a “traditional” family; however, they could be nowhere near egalitarian. Feminist Movement When the industrial revolution began in the late 1800’s, farmers began to leave the home to look for work in factories. Towards the early 1900’s a majority of the women in the workforce were unmarried, and a very small percentage of them were white. By the 1920’s only seven percent of married European American women were working, compared to the one third of married African American 5 women (Padavic & Reskin, 2002). This shift in the economy began shaping these separate worlds between women and men. Women were seen as too fragile and pure for the industrial workforce and men were supposed to provide for their childbearing wives (Adams & Coltrane, 2008). This stereotype could no longer be held by the late 1960’s and early 1970’s. According to Schnittker (2007) in the early 1970’s into the 1980’s, American’s saw a great increase in women attending college. With their college degrees, women were able to obtain, and hold, more steady and higher paying jobs. Not only were feminists yearning for this power, but it was also necessary economically for women in the 70’s and 80’s to work. In today’s society, it is more common than not that wives who work outside of the home are doing so because it is a necessity rather than an option (Adams & Coltrane, 2008). Dual-‐earner families are becoming more and more common with our economy. Ever since the first wave of feminists, women claimed that they could be a mother, housewife, activist, and hold a full-‐time job (Flexner, 1976). There are no longer these nation-‐wide boundaries that say wives should stay home and be the homemaker, while the husband works outside of the home to be the breadwinner. By the early 1970’s, the second wave of feminists had begun. They did not agree with the gender roles that were implied along with the traditional family (Coltrane & Adams, 2008). Consequences of Women in the Workforce Due to the increase of women in the workforce, fewer women can devote their entire day to be a stay-‐at-‐home mom. Naturally, you would think that husbands would help pick up some of the slack when it comes to the household 6 chores and childcare. However, it has been researched that in comparison to wives’ increase in the workforce, husbands’ increased participation in household work is not comparable (Schneider & Waite, 2005). This is how the term second-‐shift came about. Women, regardless of their employment, are expected to remain the primary caretakers of the home even after a long day at work (Sinno & Killen, 2011). While some dual-‐earner couples are moving towards equality, others are stuck in the traditional division of household labor regardless if both spouses are working or not. It has been found that when a husband and wife are asked to estimate just exactly how much time the husband spends on housework, women often estimate pretty accurately. Men, on the other hand, tend to over-‐estimate the amount of time they spend helping around the house (Lee & Waite, 2005). This could easily lead to disagreement about the balance of a family’s division of household labor. It has also been noted that adding children to the mix creates an even larger imbalance (Meier, McNaughton-‐Cassill, & Lynch, 2006). Men and women seem unable to come to a common ground or understanding when it comes down to who is going to do the dishes, take care of children, and do laundry, versus who will mow the yard, clean out the gutters, and take care of the leaky faucet. Division of Household Tasks and Relationship Satisfaction Traditional gender roles perceive household tasks as “women’s work” and even with a wife who is employed full-‐time, there most likely will not be as much male participation in household duties as expected (Treas & Drobnic, 2010). Egalitarian roles strive to cut out the gender norms and work on making things 7 equal around the house. Dew and Wilcox (2011) found women who saw working, and being primarily responsible for childcare and household work as unfair reported a decline in their marital satisfaction. Couples who are considered “happy” on a nation-‐wide survey of 50,000 married couples agreed that they are both equally willing to adjust, they both find that they work hard at having a fair relationship, and that they are both happy with their agreement on the division of household tasks based on their preferences and not based on gender role stereotypes (Olson, DeFrain & Skogrand, 2011). Furthermore, little research has been done on what exactly shapes a person’s ideals about division of household labor. According to Cunningham (2001), children who are raised in a dual earner family tend to embrace egalitarian views and behaviors into adulthood, and in their own relationships. But there are also children who were brought up in a traditional household and still embrace an egalitarian lifestyle. Schneider and Waite (2005) have found that when a father models an egalitarian role by doing his “share” of the housework, children are more likely to express the same kind of attitude towards egalitarianism. Coincidentally, the amount of time a mother devotes to housework has very little effect on children’s attitudes towards the division of household labor. Clearly, the father’s willingness to work inside the home, as well as outside, plays a big role in children’s attitudes towards housework. Generation Y Generation Y has been noted to be more open-‐minded than previous generations. With that being said, Generation Y also has a long and hard future 8 possibly ahead of them. When surveyed, it has been found that 75% of Generation Y finds wealth important to them, in comparison the 70% of Generation X and the 45% of Baby Boomers (Wikipedia, 2013). This generation has been nicknamed the “Boomerang” or the “Peter Pan” generation due to either returning home after college, or never leaving in the first place. With the cost of living and housing skyrocketing and the availability of career positions that offer decent pay plummeting, Generation Y sometimes has no choice but to move back in, or continue living with their parents. Many people of this generation intend on marrying, they just do not want to necessarily follow directly in their parents’ footsteps. Two recent studies surveying undergraduate students of the Y Generation found that 30% of females reported a preference for marrying a traditional male who saw his role as a provider and who was supportive of his wife staying at home to raise children (Abowits et al., 2011). Knox and Zusman (2007) surveyed undergraduate men and 31% of them preferred a traditional wife. The undergraduates who wish to live out the “American dream” of the traditional family life may find that finances don’t come as easily as they used to. Our poor economy is pushing families to have almost no other option but for both spouses to venture out into the workforce which in turn, creates the question of, who does the housework? This quantitative study will investigate the perceptions and expectations of Generation Y undergraduate college students concerning the division of household tasks. There are four research questions for this study. 9 1. What percentage of Generation Y’s parents modeled egalitarian roles versus traditional roles? 2. What are the expectations concerning division of household tasks for Generation Y? 3. Is there a significant positive relationship between parent’s modeling and Generation Y’s own expectations for division of household labor? 4. Is there a significant difference between males and females regarding their future expectations for the division of household tasks? Methods For this research paper, data was collected quantitatively through a short survey administered to volunteering participants on the campus of Southeast Missouri State University. The survey was submitted to the Human Subjects Committee for the College of Health and Human Services and was approved. The researcher approached college students on campus asking them to volunteer to complete a short survey. The researcher solicited subjects at two locations on campus: the campus University Center and the Subway located in the Scully Building on the opposite side of the campus. One hundred undergraduate college students on the Southeast Missouri State university campus completed the survey. In regards to selection bias there didn’t appear to be any patterns regarding who volunteered and who did not. When surveying, people were selected at random to volunteer. Groups of people were approached as well as people sitting by themselves. Of the few people who did not volunteer to complete the survey; they 10 were mostly people who were sitting alone already involved in something else. Overall, all members of any particular group participated in the survey. Once the data was collected, it was entered into the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) version 21. In cleaning the data, there were no incomplete surveys. There were only four missing data points and they were missing at random. Using the mean substitution method, the missing data point was replaced with the average score for each variable. Sample The sample was comprised of 55% females and 45% males. Their ages ranged from 18-‐31 with a mean age of 20.3 (S.D. 2.2). A majority of the sample was Caucasian (75%) followed by African American (14%) and Asians (8%), the remaining 3% reported being “other”. Out of the sample, 91% reported they were from a middle class family growing up, while 5% said they were from a low class household. Only 4% reported being from an upper class household. The subject’s class standing was fairly equally represented with the exception of “super senior” only making up 5% of the data (see Table 1).
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