1 Attitudes towards Provincial Intellectuals in the Roman Empire Benjamin Isaac Inhabitants of the

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Attitudes towards Provincial Intellectuals intheRomanEmpire
Benjamin Isaac
Inhabitants oftheprovinces made asubstantial contributiontotheintellectual and
artisticlifeunderRoman rule, as might beexpectedinanEmpirewell-integratedin
thesphereof administration,militarycontrol,law, taxation,economics and,tosome
extent,culturally. Thedegreetowhichprovincial intellectuals were integratedorfelt
themselves tobeintegratedintheupperclass oftheEmpireas a wholeandat the
centreis less clear. It maybeinstructivetoinvestigatethewritings ofprovincial
intellectuals inordertoseetowhat extent theysawthemselves as acceptedbyand
integratedintocosmopolitansocietyinRome and othermajorcities ofthe Empire. It
is not unlikelythat anyresults ofsuchaninvestigationtell us somethingabout social
relationships betweenthe urbanelites incentral cities suchas Rome,Athens and
Alexandriaandthoseintheprovinces. Generallyspeaking,provincial intellectuals
camefrom thelocallydistinguishedfamilies, notableandwealthyintheir cities, all
overtheGreekEast.1 Tobeconsideredforthis purposeare all types ofworks
preserved: philosophy,poetry,literaryprose,scientificwritings, includingmedical
treatises, notablytheworks commonlyknownas ‘thesecondsophistic.’
First,weshouldnotethat thenumberofdistinguishedauthors from theprovinces,
particularlythoseintheeasternpart oftheEmpire was quitesubstantial,evenifthe
works ofrelativelyfewofthem havebeenpreserved.Obviouslytherewere major
authors from Syria,some ofthem tobediscussed below,from cities such as Apamea
(Posidonius),Damascus (Nicolaus),Emesa,andSamosata(Lucian). It will not
surpriseeitherthat cities suchas Tyre2 and Berytus,withits famous Lawschools,3
andNaucratis4 producedsignificant authors. This is less obvious forseveral
Palestiniancities, suchas Ascalon,5 Gaza,6 Acco,7 Scythopolis,8 Neapolis,9 Caesarea
1 G.W.Bowersock,GreekSophistsandtheRomanEmpire(Oxford1969),21-25.
2 Tyre:thePlatonistMaximus;Heraclitus,fellow-studentofAntiochusofAscalonwhosettledin
Alexandria: JohnGlucker,AntiochusandtheLateAcademy(Göttingen1978); TyreorBerytus:
Glucker,p.142-3,CalvisiusorCalvenusTaurus,privatetutor,activeinAthens,taughtPlatonic
philosophy(secondcenturyAD). PaulofTyre,oratorinthereignofHadrian: SudaP809,cf.A.
Birley,Hadrian:therestlessemperor(London1995),227f.;F.Millar,TheRomanNearEast
(Cambridge,Mass.1999),289. HadrianofTyre,teacherofProclusofNaucratis,friendofFlavius
BoethusandacquaintanceofGalen.HeheldthechairofrhetoricinAthensanddiedabepistulis
GraecisofCommodus:Philostratus,VS 2.585;cf.JosephGeiger,‘NotesontheSecondSophisticin
Palestine’,IllinoisClassicalStudies 9(1994),221-30.
3 LindaJonesHall,RomanBerytus:BeirutinLateAntiquity(London2004).
4 Athenaeus,authoroftheDeipnosophists(2nd-3rdcentury) andProclusofNaucratis,pupilofHadrian
ofTyreandteacherofPhilostratus:see:A.Wasserstein,‘RabbanGamalielandProclusthePhilosopher
(MishnaAbodaZara3.4)’,Zion45(1980),257-67(Heb.).
5 PhilosophersoftheLateAcademy:AntiochusandhisbrotherAristus,anacquaintanceofBrutus,cf.
Glucker,25-6. Euenus,apoetofthefirstcenturyBC: JosephGeiger,‘EuenusofAscalon’,Scripta
ClassicaIsraelica11(1991/92),114-22;JulianofAscalon,afifth-centuryarchitectwhowroteon
metrology:Geiger,‘JulianofAscalon’,JournalofHellenicStudies112(1992),31-43;forthe
Byzantineperiod,notealsoUlpiantheSophist,ZosimusandEutocius,themathematician. Cf.Geiger,
‘GreekIntellectualsfromAscalon’,Cathedra 60(1991),5-16(Hebrew).
6 Gazafloweredasacentreforrhetoricalandliterarystudiestowardstheendofthefifthcentury,with
ProcopiusandhispupilChoriciusascentralfigures,seeCarolGlucker,TheCityofGazaintheRoman
andByzantinePeriods(Oxford,1987),51-3.
7 Accoproducedatleastonedistinguished person: theconsularFlaviusBoethus,governorof
Palestine,162-6,knownfromtheworksofGalenasascholarandphilosopherwithaninterestin
medicine,cf.M.E.Smallwood, TheJewsunderRomanRule(Seconded.,Leiden1981],552;PIR2
F229;W.Eck,D.Isac,andI.Piso,‘MilitärdiplomausderProvinzDaciaProloissensis’,ZPE100
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ontheSea10 whichApollonius ofTyana,or another authorusinghis name,praises for
its ‘Greekmanners’ andforshowingthem bysettingup‘publicinscriptions.’11 The
provinceofArabia also hadits fairshareofwell-knownfigures.12 Overa
considerableperioda remarkablenumbercamefrom Gadara,a cityofJudaea–
Palaestina,immediatelyeast oftheJordan.13 Someofthesewill bediscussed more
extensivelybelow.14
It is important heretonotethat theinhabitants ofthesecities themselves attached
great importancetobeing‘Hellenic,’ as is clear,forinstance,from aninscriptionfrom
Scythopolis (BethShean) onanaltardedicatedto anEmperorwhois probably
Marcus Aurelius (161-180). Thecityis theredescribedas ‘one oftheHelleniccities
inCoele-Syria.’15 Thereis evenaninscriptionfrom from Dhunaybeh (Danaba)in
Trachonitis inSouthernSyriawhichmentions: ‘TheHellenes inDanaba …’.16 This
indicates theexistenceof asocial grouptherethat sees itselfas Hellenicandseparate
from thenon-Hellenicenvironment. Thediscoveryofsuchatext at this locationis
not coincidence, forit is oneofthesites whereHerodplantedmilitarycolonies to
(1994),582-85;C.M.LehmannandK.G.Holum,TheGreekandLatinInscriptionsofCaesarea
Maritima(Boston,Mass.,2000),no.30,p.60. HewasafriendofHadrianofTyre:above,n.00.
8 Acity‘ratheroutoftheway’accordingtoAmmianus19.12.8. However,theStoicphilosopher
Basilides,teacherofMarcusAurelius,wasanativefromScythopolis:Geiger,IllinoisClassicalStudies
9(1994),222.
9 Twoorators:Andromachus,sonofZonasorSabinus whotaughtinNicomediainthereignof
Diocletian:SudaA2185;andSiricius,apupilofhis:SudaG475;cf.Geiger,op.cit.,227;Malcolm
Heath,‘Theonandthehistoryoftheprogymnasmata’, Greek,Roman,andByzantineStudies43
(2002/3),129-60,at132..
10Twofourth-centuryorators: Geiger,IllinoisClassicalStudies9(1994),228-9, Acacius,arivalof
Libanius,andThespesius. Thentherearethefifth-centurygrammarianPriscioandtheoratorOrion
and,mostfamous,thehistorianProcopius.
11 ApolloniusofTyana,Ep.11,whichmaynotbegenuine.Fortheinscriptions,seeLehmannand
Holum,above,n.00
12 Geiger,IllinoisClassicalStudies9(1994),225-6:HeliodorusofArabia,awellknownsophistin
thetimeofSeptimiusSeverus;GenethliusofPetra,activeinAthensinthethirdcentury,rivalof
CallinicusofPetra(SudaK231);Epiphanius,sonofUlpian,ofPetra(?),sophist,andoratorwhotaught
inPetraandinAthensinthefourthcentury(SudaE2741).); DiophantustheArabian,pupilofJulian
andteacherofLibanius;GessiusfromPetra,‘iatrosophist’,inthefifthcentury,pupiloftheJew
Domnus;theoratorGaudentius‘fromNabataea’.
13 JosephGeiger,‘AthensinSyria:GreekIntellectualsinGadara’,Cathedra35(1985),3-16(Heb.);
IllinoisClassicalStudies9(1994),223.
14 Strabo16.2.30 (759)mentionsPhilodemus,theEpicurean,andMeleager,andMenippus,the
satirist,andTheodorustherhetorician. TheodoruswasteacherofTiberius:G.Kennedy,TheArtof
RhetoricintheRomanWorld300BC–AD300(Princeton1972),340-41. Hissonwasasenator:
Bowersock,GreekSophists, 28,n.6.Apsines‘thePhoenician’(VS2.628),ispossibly,butnot
certainlyidenticalwiththeAthenianrhetorofthatname(thirdcentury): M.Heath,‘Apsinesand
pseudo-Apsines’,AJP119(1998),89-111. ThecyniccriticofreligionOenomaus(secondcentury):
JürgenHammerstaedt,DieOrakelkritikdesKynikersOenomaus(Frankfurt1988). Forthe
mathematicianPhilo:T.L.Heath,AHistoryofGreekMathematics1(Oxford1922),226;Geiger,224.
15G.FoersterandY.Tsafrir,‘Nysa-Scythopolis-- ANewInscriptionandtheTitlesoftheCityonits
Coins’, IsraelNumismaticJournal9(1986-7),53-8.:τῶν κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν Ἑλληνίδων
πόλεων.
16 M.Sartre,inL’epigrafiadelvillaggio.ActesduVIIe colloqueinternationalBorghesiàl’occasion
ducinquantenaired’Epigraphica(Forli,27-30septembre1990),A.Calbietal.(edd.)(Faenza1993),
133-5; IGLS15.228;AE1993.1636:Οἱ ἐν Δαναβοις Ἕλληνες Μηνοφίλῳ εὐνοίας ἕνεκεν..
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securetheregionbetweentheGalileeandthepoorlycontrolledregionof
Trachonitis.17
Theauthors consideredinthepresent papercame also from awidevarietyof
provincial cities invarious parts oftheEmpire: besides thosealreadymentionedinthe
NearEast thereis Madaurus inAfricaProconsularis, ArelateinGaul,Tarsus in
Cilicia,CirtainNumidia. Weshall seewhethertheirprovincial originplays arole
anywhereintheextant works oftheseauthors and,ifso, whether anycommontrait
canbefoundinthemannerinwhichtheyviewthemselves, theirplaceinwider
Romansocietyandintheirattitudes towards other provincials. Ishall not discuss
texts inlanguages otherthanGreekand Latin. Furthermore Ishall excludefrom
systematicdiscussiontwoauthors whomight seem obvious candidates: Philoof
AlexandriaandFlavius Josephus. Theyarewritingexplicitlyas Jews and donot fully
identifywiththeintellectual environment oftheintegratedRomanEmpire.
Wemaystart withPosidonius whocamefrom theSyriancityof Apameaonthe
Orontes (c.135-c.51 BC). His workhas not survived,but afairlylargenumberof
direct quotations bylater authors are available for consideration. Interestingforour
inquiryis apassageinwhichhetells ofthecities inSyriaandhowluxurious they
were, writingas follows: ‘Thepeopleinthe cities, at anyrate,becauseofthegreat
plentywhichtheirlandafforded, (wererelieved) ofanydistress regardingthe
necessaries oflife; hence theyheldmanygatherings at whichtheyfeasted continually,
usingthe gymnasia as iftheywerebaths, anointingthemselves withexpensiveoil and
perfumes, and livinginthe“bonds” –forso theycalledthecommons wherethe
diners met –as thoughtheyweretheirprivatehouses, andputtinginthe greaterpart
ofthedaythereinfillingtheirbellies –there,inthemidst ofwines andfoods so
abundant that theyevencarried a great deal home withthem besides –andin
delightingtheirears with sounds from aloud-twangingtortoise-shell (i.e. a lyre),so
that theirtowns rangfrom endtoendwithsuchnoises.’18
As mentioned,Posidonius himselfwas borninthe Syriancityof Apamea, but hewas
trainedinAthens andsettledinRhodes. Thetextaboveis quotedbyAthenaeus of
Naucratis inEgypt (c.200 AD),followingapassage about Lucullus who,afterhis
victories intheEast,was thefirst toliveextravagantly. Thebeginningofdecadence
is afamiliarthemeinRomanhistoriography.19 Baths as asymptom ofluxurious
17 Cf.M.Sartre,D’AlexandreàZénobie:HistoireduLevantantiqueivesiècleav.J.-C.–iiiesiècleap.
J.-C.(Paris,2001),pp.514;750-51.
18 F62a,Kidd,Athenaeus12.527E-F
Ποσειδώνιος δ᾽ ἑκκαιδεκάτῃ Ἱστοριῶν περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ΣΥΡΙΑΝ πόλεων λέγων ὡς
ἐτρύφων γράφει καὶ ταῦτα· "τῶν γοῦν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀνθρώπων διὰ τὴν εὐβοσίαν τῆς
χώρας ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ τὰ ἀναγκαῖα κακοπαθείας συνόδους νεμόντων πλείονας, ἐν αἷς
εὐωχοῦντο συνεχῶς, τοῖς μὲν γυμνασίοις ὡς βαλανείοις χρώμενοι, ἀλειφόμενοι [δ᾽] ἐλαίῳ
πολυτελεῖ καὶ μύροις· τοῖς δὲ γραμματείοις—οὕτως γὰρ ἐκάλουν τὰ κοινὰ τῶν
συνδείπνων—ὡς οἰκητηρίοις ἐνδιαιτώμενοι, [καὶ] τὸ πλεῖον τῆς ἡμέρας γαστριζόμενοι ἐν
αὐτοῖς οἴνοις καὶ βρώμασιν, ὥστε καὶ προσαποφέρειν πολλὰ καὶ καταυλουμένους πρὸς
χελωνίδος πολυκρότου ψόφον, ὥστε τὰς πόλεις ὅλας τοιούτοις κελάδοις συνηχεῖσθαι."
SeealsoF62b(Kidd),Athenaeus5.210E-F.
19 SeemyTheInventionofRacisminClassicalAntiquity(Princeton2004),chapter5. ForSallustit
beganwithSulla’seasterncampaigns. TheElderPliny,livingmorethanacenturyafterwards,went
furtherbackinthepastandsawtheconquestofAsiaMinorin189BCasthestartofRomandecline
anddecadence.
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decadence are acommon topicinRomanliterature. ElsewherePosidonius notes the
sturdysimplicityoftheearlyinhabitants of Italy, also apopulartheme: ‘…Even
thosewhowereverywell offforalivelihood,trainedtheirsons indrinkingwater,
mostly, andineatingwhatevertheyhappenedtohave. Andoften,hetells us, afather
ormotherwouldask asonwhetherhe preferredto makehis dinnerofpears or
walnuts, andaftereatingsomeofthesehe was satisfiedandwent tobed.…’20
Besides beinganeconomicreality,it obviouslywas apopularcommonplace.Scipio
Africanus, criticizedinhis owntimes forextravagant living,21 was centuries
afterwards praisedforhis sobriety.22
Posidonius does not identifyhimselfas aSyrian. His negativeviewofSyrians and
Syriaechoes theusual stereotypes of weak,decadent easterners foundinGreeceand
Rome,just as his positiveviews of Italians echotheirownchauvinist views oftheir
ownancestors. Apparentlyhe fullyidentifies withthefamiliarprejudices of the
imperial eliteandprefers not toinsist onhis ownorigins inSyria.
Posidonius does not mentionhimselfat all inthispassage. Bycontrast,thenext
authortobementionedhereplaces himselfat the centre. MeleagerofGadara,living
inroughlythesameage, second –first centuryBC,camefrom acityalready
mentionedforits remarkablecontributiontoGreekcultureoverthecenturies. Among
his extant works is ashort Greekautobiographical poem intheform ofan epitaph:
‘IslandTyre was mynurse,andGadara, anAtticfatherland whichlies among
Assyrians (sc.Syrians) gavebirthtome. From Eucrates Isprung,Meleager,whofirst
bythehelpoftheMuses ranabreast ofthe Graces ofMenippus. What wonderif Iam
aSyrian? Stranger,we all inhabit onefatherland, oneworld.OnceChaos gavebirth
toall mortals…’23
Meleageremphasizes the point by saying“an AtticfatherlandamongSyrians –
Gadara” ratherthan “an AtticfatherlandinSyrian Gadara” Healso makes it clear
that hecompetedwiththeelegant workofhis fellowGadarene,Menippus. Meleager
is called‘thecynic’byAthenaeus24 andtheclaim that all menare equal and
compatriots,fits this description. However,it is undeniablethat thereis an
apologeticanddefensive element inthepoem. He emphasizes that his fatherlandis
‘Attic’ but apparentlythat is onlypart ofhis identity. Heis aSyrian,hesays,but that
shouldnot affect his credentials, forall menhave onecommonpatris, namelythe
kosmos.
20 F267(Kidd),Athenaeus6.109: πρότερον δὲ οὕτως ὀλιγοδεεῖς ἦσαν οἱ τὴν Ἰταλίαν
κατοικοῦντες ὥστε καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἔτι, φησὶν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος, οἱ σφόδρα εὐκαιρούμενοι τοῖς
βίοις ἦγον τοὺς υἱοὺς ὕδωρ μὲν ὡς τὸ πολὺ πίνοντας, ἐσθίοντας δ᾽ ὅ τι ἂν τύχῃ. καὶ
πολλάκις, φησίν, πατὴρ ἢ μήτηρ υἱὸν ἠρώτα πότερον ἀπίους ἢ κάρυα βούλεται δειπνῆσαι,
καὶ τούτων τι φαγὼν ἠρκεῖτο καὶ ἐκοιμᾶτο.
21 Plutarch,CatoMaior 3.5-7.
22 Athenaeus6.105;Seneca,Ep.86.4ff.
23 TheGreekAnthology:HellenisticEpigrams,editedbyA.S.F.GowandD.L.Page(Cambridge,
1965),1,p.216,no.2(AnthologiaPalatina7.417): Νᾶσος ἐμὰ θρέπτειρα Τύρος· πάτρα δέ με τεκνοῖ /
Ἀτθὶς ἐν Ἀσσυρίοις ναιομένα Γαδάρα· / Εὐκράτεω δ᾽ἔβλαστον ὁσὺν Μούσαις Μελέαγρος / πρῶτα
Μενιππείοις συντροχάσας Χάρισιν. / εἰδὲΣύρος, τίτὸ θαῦμα;μίαν, ξένε, πατρίδα κόσμον / ναίομεν,
ἓν θνατοὺς πάντας ἔτικτε Χάος… /. ForthereadingΓαδάρα see Gow and Page, 2.607.
24 11.107.12andthepassagecitedalsobelow:4.45.33.
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Thereis asecond, similarandrelatedpoem: ‘…Tyre ofthe godlikeboys and
Gadara’s holyearthmademeaman; lovelyKos oftheMeropes took care ofmein
myoldage. Soif youareaSyrian,Salaam! If youareaPhoenician,Naidios! If you
areGreek,Chaire!Anddo yousaythesame[tome].’25
Here againMeleageris defiantlycosmopolitan.Yet heidentifies himselfas being
from Gadara. Iam not surewhytheearththereis calledholy; perhaps simply
becauseit was his fatherland?26
Afinal engagingpoint is transmittedagainbyAthenaeus,27 whereMeleageris cited
indirectlyas claimingthat Homerwas aSyrianbybirthandthereforedepicted as
abstainingfrom fish as customaryinSyria,eventhoughtheHellespont was full of
fish.28
Meleager’s toneis quite different from Posidonius: heclearlyidentifies his
backgroundandclaims that it does not prevent him from beinggenuinelyHellenic.
At this point abriefdiscussionofterminologyis unavoidable,becauseit is
historicallyandsociallyrelevant. Meleager calls himselfaSyrian,but also mentions
aPhoenician,speakinghis ownlanguage. ThereferencetoaPhoenicianis interesting
forbothApsines andMenippus ofGadara,Meleager’s city,areat least oncecalled
‘Phoenician.’29 It is not cleartomewhythis ethnicindicationwould beappliedtothe
citizens ofacityeast oftheriverJordan,well beyondtheregionusuallyassociated
withPhoenicia.Althoughthereis arecordofPhoeniciansettlements insometowns in
Palestine,wedonot knowtherewas suchan establishment at Gadara. Also, those
settlements arecalled‘Sidonian’,not Phoenician.30 There canbeno connectionwith
thenameoftheRomanprovinceofSyria-Phoenice,forthat is aninnovationofthe
endofthesecondcenturyAD.
Forseveral ofthetexts herediscussedit will beinterestingthat bothin Latinand,
moreparticularlyinGreek,nodistinctioninterminologyis madebetween a‘people’
anda‘province’. This is clear from theuseofthe Greekterm ethnos. Thus an
undated graveinscriptionmentions abeneficiarius ofthegovernorκατὰ ἐθνὸς
Φοινίκῶν.31 Thecontext shows unambiguouslythat this refers tothe‘provinceof
25
TheGreekAnthology,1,p.217,no.4(AnthologiaPalatina7.419):…ὃν θεόπαις ἤνδρωσε Τύρος
Γαδάρων θ᾽ἱερὰ χθών, / Κῶς δ᾽ἐρατὴ Μερόπων πρέσβυν ἐγηροτρόφει. / ἀλλ᾽εἰμὲν Σύρος ἐσσί,
σαλάμ·εἰδ᾽ οὖν σύ γε Φοῖνιξ, / ναίδιος· εἰδ᾽ Ἕλλην, χαῖρε· τὸδ᾽αὐτὸ φράσον.
26 Cf.JosephGeiger,‘Language,CultureandIdentityinAncientPalestine’in:ErikN.Ostenfeld(ed.),
GreekRomansandRomanGreeks:StudiesinCulturalInteraction(Aarhus2002),233-46,at233-4.
27 Athenaeus,Deipnosophistae4.45.35,citingParmeniscus,thegrammarian,TheCynics’Symposium.
28 τὸν Ὅμηρον Σύρον ὄντα τὸ γένος κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἰχθύων ἀπεχομένους. Also:2.50.19;
Plutarch,Quaestionesconvivales730C.(wherethepointthatHomerwouldhavebeenSyrianhimself
ismissing).
29 Philostratus,VS2.628:Ἀψίνης ὁ Φοῖνιξ;DiogenesLaertius6.98:MenippuswasΦοίνικα τὸ
γένος.
30 B.Isaac,‘ASeleucidInscriptionfromJamnia-on-the-Sea’,inIsaac,TheNearEastunderRoman
Rule(Leiden,1997),3-20:SidoniansarefoundinJamnia-on-the-Sea,Shekhem(Nablus),andMarissa
(Maresha).
31 P.LeBas–H.Waddington,InscriptionsgrecquesetlatinesrecueilliesenGrèceetenAsie
Mineure,3(Paris,1970), 2432,fromNedjaninthesouthernpartofTrachonitis
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SyriaPhoenice’not to‘thepeopleofthePhoenicians.’ Tacitus refers to‘anofficial
whowas Roman governorofEgypt whichwas his ownnatio.’32 Thepoint ofthis
pieceofinformationfor us is that aRomanprovincecouldbe calledanatio. It might
indicatethat Tacitus still consideredtheEgyptians apeopleunderRomanrule,but it
is morelikelythat theterm is usedhereas analternativetoprovincia,just as theterm
ethnos Phoinikonwas seentoindicatetheprovinceofSyriaPhoenice. Inthis
connectionwemaynote that Jeromesays ofMalchus that hewas Syrus nationeet
lingua,‘aSyrianbynatioandlanguage.’33 Malchus spokeSyriacratherthanGreek,
that is not surprising,but inwhat sensewas Syria his natio? Iftherewas a Syriac
language,this mayhave madetheSyrians anationorapeople,but it is morelikely
that theterm indicates that Syria was his province oforigin. Againit maybenoted
that theHistoriaAugustaspeaks of“Pal<a>estini”whenreferringin general tothe
inhabitants oftheprovinceofSyriaPalaestina.34 Finallyweshouldconsider athird-
fourthcenturyreferenceto Iamblichus,authorof aworktheBabyloniaca:35
‘This Iamblichus was aSyrianbyoriginonbothhis father’s and his mother’s side,a
Syriannot inthesenseof theGreeks whohavesettledinSyria,but ofthenativeones
(autochthones),familiarwiththeSyrianlanguage andlivingbytheircustoms.’
This text then refers totwocategories ofSyrians: Greek (speaking)immigrant settlers
andlocals whoknowSyriacandhaveSyriancustoms. Iamblichus is aSyrianby
birth,but not aSyrianGreekbyorigin. Thedistinctionhemakes is bothcultural-
linguisticandamatterof origin. Eventhoughhe himselfis asuccessfullyHellenized
Syrianhe still regards beingHellenicandbeingSyrianinlanguage andcultureas
historicallyandinextricablylinkedwithorigin. A Syrianbyoriginwill always
remainaSyrian,whether heacquires Hellenic cultureornot.ToreturntoMeleager’s
self-descriptionas aSyrianfrom anAtticfatherland: this is clearlya complex notion,
whichmayhavebeenless obviouslyright topart ofhis readers thanhe wouldhave
wished.
Proceedinginroughlychronological order wecometoDioChrysostom (c.40/50–
after110AD). Wechangeto anotherliterarygenre,it shouldbenoted.While
Posidonius wrotescholarlyprose andMeleagerpoetry, wenow cometopublic
oratory. Dio,anativeof Prusa,addresses thecitizens ofTarsus andasks what would
betheimpressionofaperson from thesound oftheirvoices from adistance: ‘And
wouldanyonecall you[sc.thecitizens ofTarsus] colonists from Argos, as youclaim
tobe,ormorelikelycolonists ofthoseabominableAradians ? Wouldhecall you
32 Tacitus,Historiae1.11:regebattumTiberiusAlexander,eiusdemnationis.Thephraseindicates
thatAlexanderhimselfcamefromEgyptwherehewasgovernor.
33 Jerome,vitaMalchi42(PLxxiii54).
34 SHANiger7,9. Thepassagecontainsaspuriousstatement,butthatisnotimportanthere. Also:
SHASeverus14.6and17.1;cf.thecommentsinM.Stern,GreekandLatinAuthorsonJewsand
Judaism2(Jerusalem1980),pp.623-5.
35 Photius Bibliotheca (marginal note): Οὗτος ὁ Ἰάμβλιχος Σύρος ἦν γένος πατρόθεν καὶ
μητρόθεν͵ Σύρος δὲ οὐχὶ τῶν ἐπῳκότων τὴν Συρίαν Ἑλλήνων͵ ἀλλὰ τῶν αὐτοχθόνων͵
γλῶσσαν δὲ σύραν εἰδὼς.R.Henry(ed.andtrans.),Photius,BibliothèqueII(Paris1960),p.40,n.1
fortheGreektextofthenote. Cf.FergusMillar,TheRomanNearEast:31BC–AD337(Cambridge,
MA1993),491.
6
WWoorrkkiinngg ppaappeerr,, nnoott ffoorr ddiissttrriibbuuttiioonn wwiitthhoouutt ppeerrmmiissssiioonn ooff tthhee aauutthhoorr..
Greeks, orthemost licentious ofPhoenicians?’36 It is tobenotedthat Tarsus in
Ciliciawas anold Ionian colony,bythetimewhenDiovisitedit definitelyvenerable
andcertainlyHellenicin culture,at least sincethe secondcenturyBC. Strabo,writing
not verylongbeforeDio, claims that thepeopleof Tarsus ‘havesurpassed Athens,
Alexandria,oranyother placethat canbenamed’ intheirdevotiontophilosophy.37
Bycontrast PrusainCiliciawas established(inplaceoftheoldersettlement named
Kios)byPrusias Iin202 BCE,so it is acheekyassessment ofDio,tosaytheleast.
This, however,mayberegardedas nomorethantraditional rivalrybetween Anatolian
cities. It is thecomparisonofTarsus withtheequallyHellenizedArados that is
striking.38 Apparently,the worst that aperson from Prusacouldsaytotheinhabitants
ofTarsus is that theywere‘Phoeniciancolonists’. Thepoint that interests us is to
what extent theattitudeofaprovincial great mantowards aprovincial communitynot
his owncouldbecondescendingandhostile.
Asimilarphenomenonmaybefounda centurylaterintheworkofPtolemyof
Alexandria(c.146-c.170) inhis Tetrabiblos,theworkinwhichheattemptedtoadapt
horoscopicastrologytotheAristoteliannatural philosophyofhis day.39 Here weare
faced with yet anothertypeoftext: scientificprose. It is fascinatingtosee howthis
workrepeats theusual stereotypes concerningvarious peoples oftheRomanEmpire,
basingthem veryfirmlyonastrological analysis. Thus northernpeoples, especially
thoseofwestern Europe are‘independent,liberty-loving,fondof arms, industrious,
verywarlike,withqualities ofleadership,cleanly, andmagnanimous ...but without
passionforwomenandtheylookdownuponthe pleasures oflove,but are better
satisfiedwith…men.40 Gaul,Britain,GermanyandBastraniaare…fierce, more
headstrongandbestial.41
However,men from the westernMediterraneanareclearlysuperior anddestinedto
rule: ‘Italy,Apulia,CisalpineGaul andSicily… aremoremasterful,benevolent and
co-operative.’ Thesame is trueforGreeceandits neighbours: ‘[Thepeoples in] the
parts ofthis quarter whicharesituated about thecentreoftheinhabitedworld,Thrace,
Macedonia, Illyria,Hellas, Archaia,Crete,andlikewisetheCyclades, andthecoastal
regions ofAsiaMinorandCyprus ….havequalities ofleadershipandarenobleand
independent,becauseof Mars; theyareliberty-lovingandself-governing, democratic
andframers oflaw,throughJupiter..’42
Whenhecomes tothepeoples oftheNearEast,neighbours orinthevicinityofhis
ownprovinceof Egypt,thetonechanges drastically: ‘Idumaea,CoeleSyria,Judaea,
Phoenicia,Chaldaea, Orchinia, andArabia Felix …more giftedintrade and
36 Or.33.: καὶ πότερον ὑμᾶς Ἀργείων ἀποίκους, ὡς λέγετε, φήσει τις ἢ μᾶλλον ἐκείνων
Ἀραδίων; καὶ πότερον Ἕλληνας ἢ Φοινίκων τοὺς ἀσελγεστάτους; Cf.C.P.Jones,TheRoman
WorldofDioChrysostom(Cambridge,Mass.,1978),71-82.
37 Strabo14.13-15(673-5).
38 StrabodescribesAradusasaprosperouscity,actingwithprudenceandindustryinmaritime
affairs: Strabo16.2.14(754). Forthecitysee:H.Seyrig,‘AradosetBaetocaece’,Syria29(1951),
191-220;J.-P.Rey-Coquais,AradosetsaPéréeauxépoquesgrecque,romaineetByzantine(Paris
1974); foritslegendsonitsorigins:250-1.
39 Cf.K.E.Müller,GeschichtederantikenEthnographie2(1980),172-3;B.Isaac,TheInventionof
RacisminClassicalAntiquity(Princeton,2004),99-101.
40 Ptolemy,Tetrabiblos,2.3.13.4-8.
41 2.3.14.1-3.
42 2.3.17.1-20.1.
7
WWoorrkkiinngg ppaappeerr,, nnoott ffoorr ddiissttrriibbuuttiioonn wwiitthhoouutt ppeerrmmiissssiioonn ooff tthhee aauutthhoorr..
exchange; theyaremore unscrupulous, despicable cowards, treacherous, servile,and
ingeneral fickle…Ofthese,again,theinhabitants ofCoeleSyria, Idumaea,and
Judaeaare…in general bold,godless,andscheming.’ 43
All this repeats ingeneral terms theusual stereotypes forthosepeoples. Theonlytrue
exceptionis thedescriptionofPtolemy’s nativeEgypt: 2.3.49.1-50.1 ‘LowerEgypt:
thoughtful andintelligent andfacilein all things, especiallyinthesearchforwisdom
andreligion; theyaremagicians andperformers ofsecret mysteries andin general
skilledinmathematics.’ This is entirelydifferent from theusual complex ofnegative
stereotypes found about Egypt throughout antiquity: theEgyptians arefraudulent,
promiscuous, greedy, fickle,rebellious, etc. etc.44 It is initselfinterestingtoseethe
flexibilityofastrologyas appliedtoethnography, but that is not theissueofthe
present paper. Thepoint tobeconsideredhereis theobvious indicationofill-will and
hostilitythat couldexist betweenneighbouringpeoples andprovinces ofwhat
undoubtedlywas areasonablywell-integratedempireat theheight ofits power.
Ptolemyis chauvinist regardinghis ownprovincial background,but aggressively
negativeabout neighbouringpeoples andprovinces andthosefartheraway. Wemust
realizethat theseassessments arevoicedbyoneof themost prominent scientists and
authors ofhis time. Whethersimilarsentiments wouldbeutteredinpubs andthe
markets we cannot know. However, herewe areinvestigatingtheattitudes of
provincial intellectuals andthereis nodoubt that PtolemytheGeographer, likeDio
Chrysostom,belongedto this category.
WenowreturntoSyria,toanauthorroughlycontemporarywithPtolemythe
Geographer,namelyLucianofSamosata,bornc. 120,aprolificauthorof Greekprose
whocamefrom SamosataontheEuphrates, theoldcapital ofCommagene, oneofthe
kingdoms that wereannexedtotheprovinceofSyria. Lucian, aprolificauthorof
satirical prosefrequentlyrefers toSyrians amongGreeks andtoGreeks inRomeand
allows us aglimpseofthetensions engenderedbythepresenceofpersons ofdifferent
ethnicand geographicorigininGreeceandRome. It is oftendifficult tointerpret
satirical literatureproperlybecause wemaynot be sufficientlyfamiliarwiththesocial
context andcommongroundamongtheintendedreaders.45 Thereare,however,
passages intheworkof Lucianthat stronglysuggest specificattitudes ofinterest for
thepresent paper.
Lucianis beingaccused ofabusingphilosophybyall great philosophers of thepast
whilePhilosophyacts as judge. Lucianaddresses them: ‘Iam aSyrian,Philosophy,
from thebanks oftheEuphrates. But what ofthat? Iknowthat someofmy
opponents here arejust as barbarian as I: but intheirmanners andculturetheyarenot
likemenofSoli orCyprus orBabylonorStagira. Yet as faras youare concernedit
43 2.3.31-32.
44 Isaac,TheInventionofRacisminClassicalAntiquity,352-70.
45 Theliteratureisveryextensive:NiallRudd,ThemesinRomanSatire(London1986),chapter1;
WilliamS.Anderson,EssaysonRomanSatire(Princeton,1982)viii;JohnHenderson,Writingdown
Rome:Satire,Comedy,andotherOffencesinLatinPoetry(Oxford1999); KirkFreudenburg,The
CambridgeCompaniontoRomanSatire (Cambridge,2005);DanielM.Hooley,RomanSatire.
(Oxford,2007). ForLucian:JenniferHall,Lucian’sSatire(NewYork,1981); C.P.Jones,Cultureand
SocietyinLucian(Cambridge,Mass.1986); GrahamAnderson, TheSecondSophistic:ACultural
PhenomenonintheRomanEmpire(London1993);SimonSwain,HellenismandEmpire:Language,
ClassicismandPowerintheGreekWorldAD50-250(Oxford,1996),298-329andesp.298-308.
8
WWoorrkkiinngg ppaappeerr,, nnoott ffoorr ddiissttrriibbuuttiioonn wwiitthhoouutt ppeerrmmiissssiioonn ooff tthhee aauutthhoorr..
wouldmakenodifferenceevenif aman’s speech were foreign,ifonlyhis wayof
thinkingweremanifestlyright andjust.’46
Theargument madeinthis passageis afamiliarcosmopolitan,cynicpoint, denying
theessential differencebetweenhumanbeings throughout theinhabitedworld.47
Morespecifically,forpresent purposes, Lucian’s toneis apologetic: eventhoughheis
aSyrian barbarianandspeaks Greekwitha foreignaccent,his judgement canberight
andhis morals correct.
Next weshouldconsider apassage from ‘TheDouble Indictment’whichhas a
different emphasis onarelatedtheme: aSyrian, whomoves toaGreekenvironment,
gives uphis non-Greeklife-styleand acquires Hellenicculture.48 This text seems to
containelements of anautobiographicdialogueor at least ofascenetakenfrom real
life. Thespeakerhereis Oratory,accusingherhusbandwhois clearlyLucian
himself,aSyrian,before acourt ofjustice. Thepresent passage describes thestatein
whichOratoryfirst found Lucian.
‘Whenthis manwas amereboy, gentlemenofthe jury,still speakingwithaforeign
accent [or: aforeignlanguage] and Imight almost saywearingacaftaninthe
Assyrian[sc.Syrian] style, Ifoundhim still wanderingabout in Ionia,not knowing
what todowithhimself; so Itookhim inhandand gavehim aneducation. As it
seemedtomethat hewas anapt pupil andpaidstrict attentiontome–for hewas
subservient tomeinthosedays andpaid court to meandadmirednonebut me– I
turnedmybackuponall theothers whoweresuingformyhand,althoughtheywere
richand good-lookingandofsplendidancestry, andplightedmyselftothis ingratiate,
whowas poorandinsignificant and young,bringinghim aconsiderabledowry
consistinginmanymarvellous speeches. Then,afterweweremarried, Igot him
irregularlyregistered amongmyownclansmenandmadehim acitizen,so that those
whohadfailedtosecure myhandinmarriage chokedwithenvy.’
Barbarian φωνὴ could meaneitherAramaicor Syrianorprovincial,accented
Greek.49 Ithinkit means thelatterbecause Lucianusuallyuses ‘glossa’ for
‘language.’ Thetoneoftheaccusationis herethat clothing,culture andaccent go
togetheras well as poverty. However,oncetheSyrianhas acquiredHellenicculture
andis acceptedas amemberofrespectablesociety,his truecharactershows itself: he
46 ReviviscentessivePiscator19.6(The Fisherman)[344]:Σύρος, ὦ Φιλοσοφία, τῶν
Ἐπευφρατιδίων. ἀλλὰ τί τοῦτο; καὶ γὰρ τούτων τινὰς οἶδα τῶν ἀντιδίκων μου οὐχ ἧττον
ἐμοῦ βαρβάρους τὸ γένος· ὁ τρόπος δὲ καὶ ἡ παιδεία οὐ κατὰ Σολέας ἢ Κυπρίους ἢ
Βαβυλωνίους ἢ Σταγειρίτας. καίτοι πρός γε σὲ οὐδὲν ἂν ἔλαττον γένοιτο οὐδ᾽ εἰ τὴν φωνὴν
βάρβαρος εἴη τις, εἴπερ ἡ γνώμη ὀρθὴ καὶ δικαία φαίνοιτο οὖσα.
47 ThechoiceofSoli,Cyprus,BabylonandStagiraisincomprehensibletome.
48 BisAccusatus27(TheDoubleIndictment):Ἐγὼ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, τουτονὶ κομιδῇ
μειράκιον ὄντα, βάρβαρον ἔτι τὴν φωνὴν καὶ μονονουχὶ κάνδυν ἐνδεδυκότα εἰς τὸν
Ἀσσύριον τρόπον, περὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν εὑροῦσα πλαζόμενον ἔτι καὶ ὅ τι χρήσαιτο ἑαυτῷ οὐκ
εἰδότα παραλαβοῦσα ἐπαίδευσα. καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐδόκει μοι εὐμαθὴς εἶναι καὶ ἀτενὲς ὁρᾶν εἰς
ἐμέ—ὑπέπτησσε γὰρ τότε καὶ ἐθεράπευεν καὶ μόνην ἐθαύμαζεν—ἀπολιποῦσα τοὺς ἄλλους
ὁπόσοι ἐμνήστευόν με πλούσιοι καὶ καλοὶ καὶ λαμπροὶ τὰ προγονικά, τῷ ἀχαρίστῳ τούτῳ
ἐμαυτὴν ἐνεγγύησα πένητι καὶ ἀφανεῖ καὶ νέῳ προῖκα οὐ μικρὰν ἐπενεγκαμένη πολλοὺς καὶ
θαυμασίους λόγους. εἶτα ἀγαγοῦσα αὐτὸν εἰς τοὺς φυλέτας τοὺς ἐμοὺς παρενέγραψα καὶ
ἀστὸν ἀπέφηνα, ὥστε τοὺς διαμαρτόντας τῆς ἐγγύης ἀποπνίγεσθαι.
49SeeJ.L.Lightfoot,LucianOntheSyrianGoddess(Oxford2003),205withnote554forreferences.
9
WWoorrkkiinngg ppaappeerr,, nnoott ffoorr ddiissttrriibbuuttiioonn wwiitthhoouutt ppeerrmmiissssiioonn ooff tthhee aauutthhoorr..
is anungrateful profiteer. Inotherwords: culture canbe acquired,but characteris
basicandaSyrianhas a badcharacter. Abarbariancharacterwill show,whateverthe
Hellenicveneer. Obviouslythis is not necessarilyLucian’s ownopinionof Syrians in
Greeksociety. This accusationis actuallyascribedto‘Oratory’ andit is satire,a
genrenotoriouslydifficult tointerpret becauseit makes funof foibles knowntothe
collectiveinsiders. However,this passagemayplausiblybeinterpreted as asatirical
renderingofthestereotypes current amongGreek rhetoricians against theeasterners
amongthem.
Thethirdandlast passageassociated withwell-to-doSyrians inGreeksocietyis taken
from ‘The Ignorant Book-Collector.’50 Lucian asks whythis unletteredrich man
collects books.51 Perhaps it is onlytodisplayhis wealth. ‘Comenow,as far as I
know—and Itooam a Syrian—if youhadnot smuggled yourselfintothat old
man’s will withall speed, youwouldbestarvingtodeathbynow,andwouldbe
puttingup yourbooks at auction!’ Theimplicationofthewords ‘Itooam aSyrian’is
that theothermanbehaves likeatypical Syrian. Hewas anignorant pauperwho got
richthanks todishonest machinations andusedhis moneytobuildupafaçadeof
intellectuality. Again, this is satireandcanplausiblybeinterpreted as representinga
humorous imitationofGreekprejudice concerningSyrians. Thethreepassages from
Luciancitedhereare concerned withvaryingsituations. What theyhavein common
is theviewthat Syrians cannot be genuineGreek, intellectual gentlemen. Theyhave
todefendthemselves against prejudicebecauseof theirforeignaccents orareseen as
profiteers or frauds.
Inthe works of LucianthereareotherSyrianimmigrants too,whodonot movein
circles ofwealthandintellectuality. Theyarepoorimmigrants whomakea livingas
quacks, thus inPodagra:
‘WeSyrians are,Damascus menbybirth,/ But forcedbyhunger andbypoverty,/
Wewanderfarafieldo’erlandandsea,/ Wehave anointment here,our fathers’ gift /
Withwhichwecomfort woes ofsufferers.’52 Asomewhat relatedfigure appears in
thePhilopseudes 16.4-5: Heis aSyrianfrom Palestine,not aspecificperson,but a
familiartype,apparently, someonewhoexorcizes spirits foralarge fee, and it is
clearlysuggestedthat menlikethis onearequacks whodemandastiff fee fortheir
service.
‘Everyoneknows about theSyrian from Palestine, theadept in[exorcisingspirits],
howmanyhetakes inhandwhofall downinthelight ofthemoonand roll theireyes
andfill theirmouths withfoam; nevertheless,herestores them tohealthandsends
them awaynormal inmind,deliveringthem from theirstraits foralargefee.’53
50 adversusIndoctum19.20-20.1(TheIgnorantBook-Collector)[342]: καὶ μὴν ὅσα γε κἀμὲ
Σύρον ὄντα εἰδέναι, εἰ μὴ σαυτὸν φέρων ταῖς τοῦ γέροντος ἐκείνου διαθήκαις παρενέγραψας,
ἀπωλώλεις ἂν ὑπὸ λιμοῦ ἤδη καὶ ἀγορὰν προὐτίθεις τῶν βιβλίων.
51 TheLoebedition,vol.1,byA.M.Harmon,1953,addsbywayofclarification:‘hemayormaynot
havebeenofSemiticstock.’
52Podagra265[345]: Σύροι μέν ἐσμεν, ἐκ Δαμασκοῦ τῷ γένει, / λιμῷ δὲ πολλῷ καὶ πενίᾳ
κρατούμενοι / γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν ἐφέπομεν πλανώμενοι· / ἔχομεν δὲ χρῖσμα πατροδώρητον
τόδε, / ἐν ᾧ παρηγοροῦμεν ἀλγούντων πόνους..
53
ἀλλὰ πάντες ἴσασι τὸν Σύρον τὸν ἐκ τῆς Παλαιστίνης, τὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ σοφιστήν, ὅσους
παραλαβὼν καταπίπτοντας πρὸς τὴν σελήνην καὶ τὼ ὀφθαλμὼ διαστρέφοντας καὶ ἀφροῦ
10