03. Deli-Amen

23 Pages·2009·0.15 MB·English

by  Susan Williams

Sociology of Education
http://soe.sagepub.com/

Charter Building and Labor Market Contacts in Two-Year Colleges
Regina Deil-Amen and James E. Rosenbaum
Sociology of Education 2004 77: 245
DOI: 10.1177/003804070407700303

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What is This?
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Charter Building and Labor Market
Contacts in
Two-Year Colleges
Regina Deil-Amen
Pennsylvania State University
James E. Rosenbaum
Northwestern University
How do unselective schools that serve disadvantaged students get employers to recognize
their graduates’ qualifications? This study examined whether low-status colleges (whose cre-
dentials may not be widely understood) rely on the traditional college charter or engage in
charter-building activities to get employers to recognize students’ value. Examining occupa-
tional programs in public and private two-year colleges, the authors found that both types of
colleges do similar activities but do them differently. While these community colleges act as if
additional action is not required, these private two-year occupational colleges actively engage
in charter-building activities, mediating the hiring process by conveying students’ qualifica-
tions through trusted relationships and aiming to place all their graduates, including many dis-
advantaged students, in jobs. The authors speculate that charter building identifies previous-
ly ignored issues and may suggest ways that low-status schools can make hiring into an insti-
tutional process in which students’ lower social backgrounds have a less-negative influence.
To understand the attainments of disad- colleges train students in the skills that the
vantaged students, one must study the labor market rewards (Becker 1975), institu-
institutions that they attend and the tional theory contends that schools have their
ways in which these institutions confer value primary influence as an institutional system
to their students. How do schools get with the authority to create bodies of knowl-
employers to recognize the value of their edge and categories of personnel and then to
degrees and the qualifications of the students designate graduates as legitimate occupants
who possess these degrees? Most students of these categories (Meyer 1977). Schools are
enter college to improve their job prospects an ideal example of highly institutionalized
(Grubb 1996), but it is not clear how colleges organizations, in which rationalized formal
accomplish this goal. The question is espe- structures “present an acceptable account of
cially puzzling for low-status colleges, includ- organizational activities, and organizations
ing community colleges, which confer lower- gain legitimacy, stability, and resources”
status associate’s degrees and often enroll (Meyer and Rowan 1991:54). In such elabo-
low-achieving students, including many from rated institutional environments, resemblance
low-income backgrounds (Deil-Amen and to the societally accepted form, rules, and
Rosenbaum 2003; U.S. Department of structures of a “college” confers to organiza-
Education 2001). tions “social chartersto define people as grad-
While human capital theory contends that uates and as therefore possessing distinctive
Sociology of Education 2004, Vol. 77 (July): 245–265 245
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246 Deil-Amen and Rosenbaum
rights and capacities in society” (Meyer for both men and women (Grubb 1996:95).
1977:59). The charter model recognizes that The associate’s degree may have recognition
employers cannot see many important skills in a few fields, not all, so the charter may be
through direct inspection. Rather, employers field specific. This variation in the value of the
assume that skills exist because colleges have associate’s degree across fields raises the dis-
the legitimate authority to represent this turbing possibility that staff at these colleges
acquired learning in the form of degrees or may mistakenly act as if they have a recog-
credentials. nized charter, when, in fact, they do not.
This foundation of legitimacy is crucial for This article also takes a new perspective on
the status-allocation process (Brint 2003). the common view that community colleges
Societal members accept educational creden- have strongly shifted toward occupational
tials as legitimate signals of enhanced value education. Although this seems to be the
and treat graduates accordingly. Credentials conclusion of Brint and Karabel (1989), their
operate in modern society as taken-for-grant- study also noted “the curious lack of interest
ed institutionalized rules that guide hiring of ‘career-oriented’ community colleges in
decisions and behaviors (Meyer 1977:65). developing ties with local employers or study-
Employers hire graduates because they ing their skill needs” (cf. Brint 2003:25). This
accept the degrees as a valid representation study examines occupational program staff’s
of skills and competencies that are assumed, reports about their own behaviors on a day-
rather than demonstrated. Thus, in a society in to-day basis, not just community college
which employers consider educational cre- presidents’ reports about institutional agen-
dentials legitimate, college graduates can das, priorities, and goals.1Rather than accept
gain access to jobs that nongraduates cannot. administrators’ statements of their colleges’
However, the legitimacy of educational missions, we examined what activities staff
credentials is not always as automatic as insti- actually engage in to get employers to recog-
tutional theory presumes. Research has nize their students’ value and how they
shown that employers often mistrust the regard these activities. We found different
value of a high school diploma (Miller and approaches in the two types of colleges,
Rosenbaum 1997; Murnane and Levy 1996; which suggest different models of the
Neckerman and Kirshenman 1991). Brown process. This study extends Brint’s (2003)
(2001) questioned the authority of creden- observations and supports doubts about
tials, such as high school diplomas, technical whether community colleges’ efforts have
certificates, subbaccalaureate degrees con- resulted in the increased legitimacy of their
ferred by two-year colleges, and “lower-pres- credentials or improved knowledge about
tige” college degrees, among employers, and how to coordinate their programs with the
Bills (1992) suggested that employers use needs of the labor market (Dougherty 1994).
alternate criteria to evaluate job applicants for Indeed, our study suggests an irony in Brint
lower-level bureaucratic jobs. and Karabel’s account. Despite the shift
This article extends Meyer’s (1977) insight- toward occupational programs, their research
ful concept of the social charter and applies it observed few efforts by community colleges
to specific subbaccalaureate postsecondary to develop specific institutional linkages with
contexts—two-year public community col- specific employers and no consistent col-
leges and private occupational colleges. legewide plan for school-employer interac-
Some evidence suggests that the associate’s tions. Our research suggests that the occupa-
degree does not have a general charter like tional colleges that we studied—the ones that
the bachelor’s degree. Although an associ- have developed legitimacy among employ-
ate’s degree conveyed an earnings advantage ers—may be shaping a market niche that has
over a high school diploma in 1990, the ben- been left neglected by the unfulfilled promise
efits to the associate’s degree were significant of community college occupational educa-
in only 3 of 11 different majors for men (and tion.
4 for women), while the bachelor degree’s This article is part of a series of studies that
advantage was significant in 9 of 11 majors have examined alternative models of school-
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Charter Building in Two-Year Colleges 247
ing. While other studies have examined cul- recognized traditional structure, elite status,
tural capital institutional prerequisites (Deil- or type of degree that differs from the tradi-
Amen and Rosenbaum 2003), information tional four-year bachelor’s degree, how do
prerequisites (Person, Rosenbaum, and Deil- they establish a recognized charter that gives
Amen forthcoming), and cultural capital authority to the information they convey
instruction (Deil-Amen 2003), this study about students? While we agree with econo-
explored relations with the labor market. mists’ emphasis on information, we contend
that information must be trusted as authori-
tative, and we examine whether schools take
TWO MODELS actions to build and enhance their institution-
al charters to convey authoritative and trust-
worthy information. Authoritative informa-
If employers cannot see applicants’ skills and
tion is particularly problematic for most two-
abilities through direct inspection and do not
year colleges, which are unselective institu-
necessarily trust all the information they
tions that are trying to signal that graduates
receive, then they must rely on authoritative
possess valuable qualifications.
information, and the crucial question is how
While Meyer did not consider how charters
information comes to be authoritative and
trusted. This article considers two models of are created or sustained, Persell and
the school-to-work transition that suggest Cookson’s (1985) study of the relationship
two different processes that colleges can use between prep schools and colleges provides
to give authority to the information they con- an excellent example of the way charters are
vey about their students. maintained and enhanced by relationship-
First, colleges can rely on the traditional building activities. Elite boarding schools give
college charter. Meyer (1977) described four- their graduates distinctive forms of access to
year colleges as possessing social charters, Ivy League colleges through face-to-face
institutional authority to allocate graduates interactions, close social relationships, exten-
into personnel categories. As he noted, the sive exchanges of information, and “barter-
amazing fact about the bachelor’s degree is ing” (negotiation) between the school advis-
that its charter is widely recognized for any ers and Ivy League admissions officers.
college as long as the institution takes a simi- However, even elite prep schools do not have
lar form and performs activities that are simi- automatic access; they must take extensive
lar to those of traditional colleges. Since com- actions to maintain their charters with selec-
munity colleges are designed to provide the tive colleges. Presumably, less-elite schools,
equivalent of the first two years of four-year like the two-year colleges we studied, may
colleges, staff can engage in activities to have an even greater need to enhance their
emphasize this resemblance and presumably charters through relationship building
gain the resulting authority from the tradi- between college staff and employers, but it is
tional college charter. Such activities include not certain that they do so.
accreditation, the organization of departmen- While personal-contact influences on hir-
tal and administrative units, the credentials ing have long been emphasized, institutional
required of faculty, and the form and content networks have recently been noted
of instruction. (Granovetter 1995:162–69). In Germany and
We call the second model the “charter- Japan, schools’ institutional contacts help
building model.” Instead of adopting the tra- youths gain access to good jobs (Brinton
ditional college charter, colleges can build a 1993; Hamilton 1990; Osterman 1988).
new one. Although colleges must provide Some American vocational education teach-
information about their students’ qualifica- ers form similar linkages (Rosenbaum 2001).
tions (Stigler 1961), it is not certain that In each case, reciprocity (a sense of obligation
nonelite colleges, whose legitimacy is more on which both parties can depend) makes
questionable, can simply rely on the standard information and transactions dependable
college charter and expect employers to hire because each party trusts that the other val-
their graduates. When colleges lack a well- ues their relationship and will not risk losing it
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248 Deil-Amen and Rosenbaum
for short-term gain (Coleman 1988). Unlike 2003:25), and other goals must be consid-
Coleman’s examples, in which context ered. This study examined two different types
emerges from ethnic ties (e.g., El Khalili mar- of subbaccalaureate colleges that exist in a
ket in Cairo), such relationships may also be vague, poorly understood, position: beyond
created if school staff convince employers high school, yet less than four years of col-
that they can depend on their evaluations lege. This is now a major part of higher edu-
(Rosenbaum 2001:248). cation, with over 40 percent of new college
A review of research proposed that schools students entering two-year institutions (Bailey
may build preferential access to employment 2002). Do these colleges act as if they are
(enhanced charters) by forming relationships faithfully relying on the traditional college
that ensure employers of a dependable sup- charter, or do they take steps to build and
ply of graduates, dependable types of gradu- enhance their social charters? Are these char-
ates, and a dependable quality of graduates ters enhanced through institutional contacts,
(Kariya and Rosenbaum 1995). Extending the and, if so, what actions are taken to initiate
charter model, this typology suggests ways in contacts and convince mistrustful employers
that these credentials are valid representa-
which schools can build and enhance institu-
tions of competence?
tional charters. If their graduates are to gain
recognition and receive preferential treat-
ment, low-status colleges cannot just provide
information, they must convince employers SAMPLE AND METHODS
that the information they provide about stu-
dents’ qualifications is dependable by creat- This research used a case-study format with
ing trusted relationships through which infor- interviews, analysis of written materials, and
mation is conveyed. Since disadvantaged and observations. In a large midwestern city and
minority job applicants have less access to surrounding suburbs, seven community col-
good jobs through personal contacts than do legecampuses and seven private occupational
other students (Granovetter 1995; Lin, Ensel, college campuses (four for profit and three
and Vaughn 1981; Peterson, Spaorta, and nonprofit) were selected because they serve
Seidel 2000; Wegener, 1991), and these low- the same labor market and offer comparable
status colleges tend to enroll such students, occupational programs in two or more high-
institutional contacts may reduce this gap. demand fields. A list of the programs studied
While Brint and Karabel (1989) considered shows that they are highly comparable (see
transfer to bachelor’s degree programs as the Table 1). Across all colleges, we conducted
main source of upward mobility, we concur one-hour interviews with 113 college staff—
with Brint’s (2003:23) reconsideration of specific program chairs, career services staff,
occupational associate’s degrees: occupational deans, and other administra-
tors, as detailed in Table 2.2 The interviews
New evidence does suggest that we were were semistructured, covering the same top-
wrong to consider community college voca- ics across different schools and types of pro-
tional education as “the bottom rung” of grams. Questions were open ended to allow
higher education’s tracking system. Economic
for in-depth explanations.
rewards tend to be greater for vocational stu-
Nationally, only 4 percent of two-year col-
dents than for academic students, if they com-
lege enrollments are in private colleges, and
plete the associate’s degree, and vocational
few private colleges offer associate’s degrees
students are now as likely as academic stu-
(Bailey, Badway, and Gumport 2002). Two-
dents to transfer to four-year colleges.
year technical and business colleges that are
Although transfer to bachelor’s degree pro- similar to the occupational colleges in our
grams is a laudable goal, when three quarters sample are found in most large cities and are
of community college students do not go on widely advertised in local media. Our occupa-
to pursue bachelor’s degrees (Dougherty tional colleges are private colleges that
1994; Grubb 1996), “promises of upward passed similar accreditation standards as
mobility are . . . not very often realized” (Brint community colleges and offer associate’s
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Charter Building in Two-Year Colleges 249
Table 1. Selected Majors and Programs of Community Colleges and Occupational
Colleges
Program or Major Community Colleges Occupational Colleges
Business Business, accounting, Business administration,
management accounting, management
Secretarial Administrative assisting, Administrative assisting,
technology, executive office technology, legal
secretary office assistant/paralegal,
court reporting
Computer Computer information Computer information
systems, architectural systems, information
drafting, and technology, business
computer-aided drafting computer programming and
networking, computer-aided
drafting/design
Electronics Electronics and computer Electronics, computer and
technology, mechanical electrical engineering,
engineering technology technology
degrees of a similar quality to the community subsidy, these private schools have much
colleges we studied and in the same occupa- higher tuitions than do community colleges,
tional fields. As such, they are comparable to but loans and grants permit low-income stu-
community colleges, but dissimilar to 94 per- dents to afford them, since they are extreme-
cent of for-profit schools, which offer no ly proficient in helping students navigate the
degree above a certificate (Apling 1993).3 onerous financial aid process. Because their
Although this article reports their strong students graduate more quickly and get skill-
focus on job-placement activities, occupa- relevant jobs, one analyst concluded that
tional colleges have some disadvantages. these schools may be as cost-effective as low-
They are smaller than community colleges tuition community colleges (Wilms 1974),
and offer fewer programs and a more limited but the issue has not been examined recent-
general education curriculum. They are less ly.
devoted to the preparation of students as We do not infer that private colleges are
informed and cultured citizens because of better than public ones or that they should
their focus on occupational preparation, and replace them (which is inconceivable, given
the faculty composition reflects this organiza- their small number). Not only did we select
tional mission, with a majority of the faculty an unusual group of private colleges (which
composed of adjuncts with extensive profes- met the same accreditation standards as com-
sional experience in the fields they are teach- munity colleges), but our topic does not illus-
ing. In addition, these schools require stu- trate some of the public colleges’ strengths:
dents to declare their program at entry. low tuition, small classes, dedicated instruc-
Career exploration is severely limited, gener- tors, a variety of course offerings, flexibility of
ally within the confines of an occupational scheduling, and so forth. In particular, the
field. Changes of major are possible, but may community colleges offer a much broader
lengthen the time it takes to complete a and richer liberal arts curriculum and have
degree. Transfers to bachelor’s degree pro- worked extensively to ensure the transferabil-
grams are possible, but usually only to certain ity of their courses to four-year colleges.
programs and colleges. Receiving no public Although we are impressed with many
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250 Deil-Amen and Rosenbaum
s aspects of community colleges, this article
e
crs eg considers their handling of labor-market
Program Chai 2216 ommunity colle of college. atlcehocvacleDlteel ssegrs ase opissifni e th seta ou svdcioteciimfu ofmpenera,a e ctnniaooyncnn edscasi eml sripinnizlr saeo.sr,goi trtuiaehrmsce.e sCts—w ooaomf spftuiyatnpuredaedtsini otgonof,
cp other colleges, both are regarded as relative-
Interviews bAdministrators 1616 /directors. secretarial chairs at otaled 10 at each ty lsdwmb1yi9eao hagc9lnonokr6s yweg ) e.ar-s ssottS,trtuu taaeudantiqnudnedu snedsi nrtf iosenth smus(fa trDrevieo-tnyeonumetutteari sgorerl, o h nlbawesdto,rioe evtthhrfgey-f al reytevory ee r1pf s e9e.wlw ols9oo wB4 owrgo;ekf e trricnh aro-aGgd sld-utlrhecamualagtatbvuieessbessss-
aAdvisers/Career 1421 es staff, faculty, or deans nterviews with business/puter/electronics chairs t smdoishgneofieo g aecnabpHrkhilatkoriso snile.to ws4ightancr, n h trtaadryoehcenp soecpeedelse rca esesoar ossccocn euhohfton r olic ml(ete Goasvgjiutloecrliereuvb mvsgbebs ece eabyonic i n sankt1 o ,rgf9 etoifrrh 9a uomfone6rru vode) n pemd stdrrahh it smmaahs,4 tive,mpa he3 srlfa t0eiyiluvns?a0 eidd rlm a eiOsllnboointlgouuawwtssrrr-
MeanTuition $3,571$25,601 career servic this article. Iws with com opa1cc9eccr9rcu3eep)dn.ai tttT eiohdone ftas oel p ocprofirfvleilaverat geatees ss f ocoacorril-ealpe tergno’oesft sid tt aeyrgcperoi eclnleaeoslg: t ( eoAasnp rllyiaan nrg6e-
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ble 2. Characteristics of the Research Sample MedianMedianNumber ofNumber ofStudentsFaculty mmunity colleges8,329331cupational colleges93754 aAcademic and career advisers and counselors, job placembAny other administrators or administrative faculty. cInterviews with chairs of health programs were omitted frd occupational colleges totaled 12 and 6, respectively. Inter ttsa1pctnctctmooofsHeoaihhptiootunu9oooaiarcei eaegmlsrr9 nt sltrAlt.t l c sepseeht sy9at ccsiimhtgp rprooWb elo ;iowago iv erwrnriciscmumnsolegeih is cGiosvt nit,s sviri hutmem ylsofleraiaehleEetspa noeu nnml eyuu udrsnga fbot m mtoB nepnudt sehechbfai: r,i rcimocso poo te t iino nyi5oayda5ln slwnrl1 po mt tnt0ereo0taics c i9 dyhygpd aotu lotqom ae9epianwepo nbtplgulnarl6stiulsdureesct eeoohiala t)tss rg narga la-aeilt cKicaoylyeyiin2tnel icestnaescstaepnsaydsp0odn ytrnt tae va sdaatu ue 0it atrv ehlpe brcco a to l2reerd(moehcroeuelmflaB(, o iso f a lIllelngs rp’elalisvboltiselntnetklneii t li ueemnhguodTwcek(iar alg d1oooaerefaldygetiueor e9lil bgseelis ealearlssrc.sse er8 e lsi ts raa tosestdg r ts9,acu ,bheHB a tmh.n ebna)do dwieotoooe nesnedefme uaVc, wwei ot ss nnaetcrtwoI e tutrd ebG -ndtucachsapp2snev ootttppiarn eeen)eiheeiannuorteair.srrgdnrneeyy5st-------f,
Ta CoOc an Moreover, our findings are compatible with
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Charter Building in Two-Year Colleges 251
studies of administrators in 18 community often-contradictory multiple functions of
colleges nationally (Cross and Fideler 1989) community colleges, we found that the lack
and a national sample of 1,725 faculty in 92 of attention given to relationships with
community colleges (Brewer 1999), which employers may reflect these institutions’ need
reported that administrators and faculty are to establish priorities among their missions.
nearly evenly split in their ranking of transfer In contrast, we found that at occupational
(general education) and workplace prepara- colleges, whose missions are much more lim-
tion as the top institutional priorities. Our ited and whose survival depends on the job-
community colleges do not seem atypical on placement success of their graduates, the
this key issue, but some may differ. staff reported using interactions with employ-
Ultimately, our findings must be judged in ers to build trusted institutional relationships
the context of other studies. We shall repeat- and to convince employers of their graduates’
edly note the ways in which our findings competence. Although both types of colleges
extend two previous studies of college- provide similar activities (employer advisory
employer interactions: Brewer and Gray’s boards, career services, job placement, and
(1999) national survey and Grubb’s (1996) occasionally reactions to labor market out-
research in four cities. However, our aim is to comes), they approach them in different
go beyond their economic emphasis on con- ways.
straints on resources. Regardless of empirical
frequency, we introduce a sociological con-
Advisory Boards
ception and describe previously unnoticed
processes about the ways in which schools To have preferential relationships with
relate to the labor market. employers, colleges must be seen as provid-
ing a dependable type of graduate who
meets employers’ needs (Kariya and
FINDINGS Rosenbaum 1995). Advisory boards are a way
that colleges can exchange information with
employers—to get information about
Although one may ask staff to talk about the
employers’ needs, to get feedback from
college charter, such talk is often abstract and
unrelated to behaviors. We took an alternate employers about the content of their pro-
approach; we looked at reported behaviors. grams, and to inform employers that their
Staffs’ view of their institution’s charter is graduates have dependably appropriate skills.
reflected in their actions, and institutions with Advisory committees provide a good example
different charters may handle the same activ- of the use of contacts with employers. The
ities in different ways. state requires each community college to
The following analyses compare occupa- convene an advisory committee before it
tional chairs at community colleges with sim- starts a new occupational program, and some
ilar staff at occupational colleges. As we note community colleges require annual meetings
later, we found that many of the community of advisory committees. However, what is
college staff reported that they rarely initiate written on paper differs substantially from
interactions with employers, see little benefit what we found in reported practices.
from such interactions, and believe that Prior studies found that community col-
employers respond to their graduates’ leges have infrequent, short advisory meet-
degrees. These practices seem to parallel ings, and little time is spent preparing for
those of most four-year colleges—focus on them. Staff use advisory boards to get gener-
instruction and accreditation and let the degree al information, not to build relationships, ask-
speak for itself. To their credit, these commu- ing “whether there will be employment
nity colleges devote much energy to main- opportunities in an occupational area, not
taining their programs’ accreditation, hiring whether local employers will hire [their] grad-
competent faculty, and ensuring the transfer- uates” (Grubb 1996:179–80). Brewer and
ability of their classes to four-year colleges. Gray (1999) also noted that advisory boards
Like Dougherty’s (1994) explanation of the sometimes meet nonregularly and with little
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252 Deil-Amen and Rosenbaum
purpose. Both studies blamed limitations on However, most of the program chairs have
time and constraints on resources and urged minimal goals for these boards—to convey
reforms to provide more resources and staff general information about the skills that
time. employers look for and to provide reactions
While constraints on time and resources to their curriculum requirements. In one pro-
limit these activities, as economists have gram, when a business department chair,
noted, the institutional priorities of faculty who had taught at the school for 25 years,
and staff are also a key factor. These commu- was asked where his students get jobs, he
nity colleges delegate these duties to already replied, “I’ll be very candid with you and say
overburdened staff, who tend to view adviso- I don’t know.” His program had not met with
ry boards as a low priority. Nearly all the an advisory board in many years, and, prior to
chairs of the community colleges whom we our interview, he had not thought much
interviewed in every occupational program about it. At another community college, a
category in the study—the individuals career dean admitted: “We’re supposed to
responsible for making programs effective— have an advisory board. I don’t know if we do
reported that advisory committees are low on . . . we have people that we call; . . . but I
their long list of duties, and the requirement don’t know how active [the board] is.”
is only that the meeting take place, not that At least one program chair in three com-
any consequences follow from the meeting. munity colleges reported that the programs
Just as four-year colleges get a recognized have advisory committees on paper, but the
charter by performing traditional college committees had not met in the past year or
activities (Meyer 1977), most of the chairs of more. For example, when asked whether the
the community college programs empha- department had an advisory board, a chair of
sized the same activities as traditional col- a Computer Information Systems program
leges. They stressed the value of their degree admitted his doubt about the need for such a
and buttressed its value by devoting a great meeting, saying that “anecdotal” information
amount of energy to the accrediting process. was sufficient. He added:
The primary duties of these overburdened
program chairs, who perform multiple roles, [We] . . . had one a few years ago. I am now
told that I will have one again. . . . An adviso-
are to make sure they have adjunct faculty to
ry council, if it’s done locally, would just be
cover courses and service tasks every term (a
five of my best friends . . . director of pro-
tremendous, almost full-time job) and to
gramming here, manager of software support
meet accreditation requirements, budgetary
there. Just go call five of my friends, and we’ll
constraints, and reporting requirements.6
have a lunch.
Many also teach one or more courses, and
some teach up to four classes each semester. Constraints on time and resources may be
Most reported that they devote little effort to influences, but they cannot explain the pro-
relationships with employers, and they rarely gram chairs’ choice of advisory board mem-
expressed regrets about these limited efforts. bers. In creating the boards, instead of select-
Resources are clearly not the only issue. None ing employers who could hire their gradu-
of the program chairs whom we interviewed ates, the program chairs either ask friends or
suggested that they would devote more time follow the lead of high-level administrators,
to interactions with employers or hire addi- selecting executives from large, prominent
tional staff to do so if they were given addi- firms, although these executives may have no
tional resources. say over hiring and their firms may not hire
There was some variation. A few program locally or at the associates’ level. None of the
chairs, particularly those in the more applied seven community colleges makes an effort to
technology programs, said that they do value include executives who hire graduates on col-
the interactions, but they lack organizational legewide advisory boards. At the program
support and are limited by time constraints, level, half the programs (11 of 22) have advi-
consistent with a resource-constraint explana- sory boards that consist mainly of employers
tion. who do not hire their students. Four pro-
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Charter Building in Two-Year Colleges 253
grams chairs (18 percent) rely mainly on Advisory boards meetings . . . are nothing
friends and informal networks, and another more than feed fests because nothing comes
four (18 percent) rely primarily on adjunct out of them. The institution doesn’t ask the
right questions, or the people represented
faculty as employer advisers. Three chairs (14
around the table have no answer or clue as to
percent) admitted that they have no func-
how to help the college and the program
tioning advisory committee at all.
grow.
Moreover, few colleges have procedures to
monitor quality or to try to ensure it. Moreover, many faculty and administra-
Sometimes, even if the board exists, it is frag- tors at community colleges believe that
ile, resting on the voluntary efforts of a single employers should not have such a direct role.
program chair, and it may not confer any last- They fear that employers want a curriculum
ing charter to the program. As an administra- that is tailored to meet their specific compa-
tor noted, relationships with employer advis- nies’ needs, which contradicts the colleges’
ers begin ”through a very strong individual, a mission to provide a broader set of skills. The
director, a charismatic person . . . and if that dean of a community college voiced her con-
individual goes away, it can have serious cerns as follows:
impacts.” While many people noted that the
Community colleges get slammed by the
maintenance of contacts often depends on
Chamber [of Commerce] . . . about how we’re
single individuals, no one we interviewed
not preparing people for the job market. . . .
suggested that this is a serious problem or has Well, that might be true because we’re not
taken steps to build broader institutional sup- preparing somebody to work in “Joe’s” com-
port for contacts. Indeed, many program pany. . . . No, I can’t teach . . . somebody how
chairs reported that they rely almost exclu- to do everything at your business, so . . . you
sively on their adjunct faculty, a self-selected, don’t have to train them. [Employers must]
unrepresentative sample who rarely do hir- understand what the role of the educational
institution is. . . . Not everybody in the busi-
ing.
ness community gets that.7
Few program chairs reported that meet-
ings of advisory boards require any prepara- In contrast, at the seven private occupa-
tion. The chairs reported entering these tional colleges, all the staff reported an inter-
meetings with no pressing questions and not est in exchanging information and in con-
using this time to build relationships with vincing employers that their programs serve
employers. The meetings are brief, often employers’ specific needs. They want their
shorter than originally planned. If employers advisory boards to facilitate a systematic flow
use a new software program or a new tech- of information from employers about their
nique, that program is discussed, but such hiring needs and to employers regarding the
changes are rare and quickly noted. The pro- qualities that their programs’ graduates pos-
gram chairs seek general reactions to their sess to meet employers’ needs.
curriculum, not to prior graduates’ perfor- These staff also believe that advisory
mance, and some reported that the informa- boards create personal relationships that
tion they receive is not useful. One may make information trustworthy. Unlike our
expect that the chairs of occupational pro- community colleges, where contacts with
grams at large community colleges would be employers usually reside in a single program
the ones who are the most interested in inter- chair, all these occupational colleges try to
acting with employers, yet they showed little make collegewide contacts, often including
concern about the ineffectiveness of these college staff from several programs in adviso-
meetings for getting detailed information ry meetings. Administrators at allseven occu-
about employers’ needs or building relation- pational colleges reported that job placement
ships. staff are present at program advisory meet-
The dean of instruction at one community ings so they can meet recruiters and learn
college was one of the few respondents to see their specific needs.
a problem, but he lacked a vision of how to In all seven occupational colleges, the
improve these committees: administrators reported that they solicit
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