Trade-Buddhism: Maritime Trade, Immigration, and the Buddhist Landfall in Early Japan

14 Pages·2.321 MB·English

by  Holcombe Charles.

Trade-Buddhism: Maritime Trade, Immigration, and the Buddhist Landfall in Early Japan
Author(s): Charles Holcombe
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 119, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1999), pp. 280-
292
Published by: American Oriental Society
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TRADE-BUDDHISM: MARITIME TRADE, IMMIGRATION,
AND THE BUDDHIST LANDFALL IN EARLY JAPAN
CHARLES HOLCOMBE
UNIVERSITYO F NORTHERNI OWA
The conventional image of a state-driven Japanese conversion to Buddhism, from the top down,
amidst a static Confucian empire inhabited by inert subsistence-level peasant villagers, obscures the
extent to which Japan, prior to circa 700, was an immigrant society with pronounced maritime ori-
entations. These oceanic interests connected Japan with the wider, still too little understood, world of
tradea nd immigrationt hat was actively bridging the distances between continental East Asia, the South
Seas, and India. Internationalt rade spread both tangible and intangible commodities, including ideas,
and served as the vehicle for the propagationo f Buddhism. Japan,w hile occupying the far northeastern
fringe of this old-world trading community, was swept up in the general Buddhist transformation.
THE EMERGINGJ APANESES TATE,t hrough the eighth These larger commercial waves may have only just
century, was commercially underdeveloped even for its barely reached Japan at this time, but they exerted a de-
era. It was founded, moreover, upon an imported Chinese cisive impact nonetheless. Their relative neglect in con-
Imperial-Confucian vision of society, consisting largely ventional histories of the period is attributable in part
of self-sufficient agricultural villages, coordinated and to their undeniably small scale, but also to the limited
presided over by a small, ritual-bound, central governing range of acceptable elite interests in traditional East
elite.' Some scholars question, moreover, whether the Asian civilization. The world of merchants and tradesmen
Japanese economy was sufficiently developed even to passed largely beneath the recorded notice of bureaucrats
support this simple agrarian imperial model.2 Yet Bud- and literati, whose complacent view of the lives of com-
dhism came to Japanese shores at this time, propelled by moners was confined largely to docile (or, sometimes, re-
vast, if not always very strong, economic currents that bellious) peasant villagers. While this unitary Confucian
were flowing across maritime and continental Eurasia in high culture is itself a thing of no little beauty, there are
the early centuries of the Christian era, from the Mediter- too many unaccounted for strangers passing furtively
ranean world to India and China, and finally even brush- between the lines of the official histories. Here, I wish to
ing against Japan-for which the surviving evidence of explore the degree to which the Buddhist transmission to
Persian and other Western motifs on Japanese art objects Japan, and East Asia more generally, occurred beyond
from this period offers silent testimony.3 official notice or record, and was entangled with private
and sometimes even illegal international commercial
Brief research in Tokyo and Shanghai was supported by a activity and population movements.
University of NorthernI owa 1996 summerf ellowship, for which
the authore xpresses his gratitude. THE COMMERCIAL VECTORS OF EARLY BUDDHISM
1 Wang Jinlin *,, t Nara bunka to To bunka (Nara Culture
and Tang Culture) (Tokyo: Rokk6 shuppan kabushiki kaisha, Buddhism traveled to East Asia along established
1988), 300. On the Confucian-Legalist synthesis in early Japan, trade routes, and swelled the pre-existing volume of trade
see CharlesH olcombe, "RitsuryoC onfucianism,"H arvardJ our- by itself creating new religious incentives for travel, and
nal of Asiatic Studies 57.2 (1997). a demand for imported religious articles. Buddhism legit-
2 William Wayne Farris, Population, Disease, and Land in imated private commercial wealth as a vehicle for serving
Early Japan, 645-900 (Cambridge,M ass.: HarvardU niv. Press, sacred needs through generous donations, and Buddhism
1985), 142-44. lubricated foreign exchange by overcoming narrow local
3 Shi Jiaming ~j2 , "Riben gudai guojia de fazhan" (The prejudice with a radically more cosmopolitan, interna-
Development of the Ancient JapaneseS tate), Zhongguoy u Riben tional, perspective. The developing cult of Avalokitesvara
141 (1972): 40; Hugo Munsterberg,T heA rts of Japan: An Illus- (Ch., Guanyin; J., Kannon) as the patron bodhisattva of
trated History (Rutland,V t.: Charles E. Tuttle, 1957), 53. mariners also gave the faithful courage to confront the
280
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HOLCOMBEM: aritime Trade, Immigration, and the Buddhist Landfall in Early Japan 281
inevitable perils of distant voyages.4 Buddhism was thus dhism stimulated private production and distribution of
in many ways conducive to the growth of trade-and copies of the scriptures and sacred images, and encour-
trade to the spread of Buddhism. aged the early development of print technology-a pop-
In China Buddhism stimulated the practice of making ular commercial market for printed religious texts and
pilgrimages-especially to Manfjusri'sr eputed abode in calendars having developed during the Tang dynasty
the Wutai E LIIm ountains-which in turn promoted unnoticed by officialdom, except in passing criticism."
the circulation of goods and ideas.5I n 636, for example, Although the following sequence of transactionsc on-
the Sillan (Korean) monk Chajang 9, had an (alleged) cern official embassies-almost the only kind of inter-
encounter with Manijusrio n Mt. Wutai, who bestowed national exchange that traditional East Asian historians
upon Chajang a relic, valuable robe, and alms-bowl and deigned to record-rather thanp rivatet rade,i t nonetheless
recommended an equivalent pilgrimage site in Korea demonstratesh ow Buddhism could facilitate commodity
where "ten-thousandM afijusris constantly dwell."6T he exchanges linking Southeast Asia, through China, to Ja-
south Indian brahminB odhisena if.S1[ was drawn to pan. In 503 King KaundinyaJ ayavarman ['St[anP5Wi
make the voyage to Tang China by the lure of Mt. Wutai, ) of Funan MM^( in what is now Cambodia and south-
but being informed upon arrival that Maiijusri had been ern Vietnam) offered a coral Buddha in tribute to the
reborn in Japan, departedf or Japan in 736.7 Discounting Southern-dynasty Liang emperor of China.12I n 539
the miraculouse lements of these tales, it is clear that Bud- Liang sent a monk to Funan to receive a hair of the Bud-
dhist faith occasionally acted as a spur to wide-ranging dha; in 540 Funan requested Buddhist images and texts
travel. from Liang; in 541 Paekche (Korea) requested Buddhist
Religious practice also demanded certain ritual com- texts from Liang.'3I n 542, then, Paekche sent offerings of
modities that could only be obtained from (or through) Funan goods, and two slaves, to Japan.'4T he gift of
India.8 Along the ancient central-Asian Silk Roads, Funan goods was followed three years later by a Paekche
"among the Indian export items Buddhist paraphernalia present of southern Chinese goods to the Japanese out-
... probably dominated in terms of value."9I n the South post in Korea, coinciding with a royal Paekche Buddhist
Seas the spread of Buddhism created a demand for "holy invocation calling for the spiritual release of all things
things" in the fifth and sixth centuries-incense, icons, living under heaven.15
and other religious materials-which exceeded the ear- Buddhism prospered in China "because it offered the
lier secular traffic in elite luxury goods.10I n China Bud- Chinese unlimited means of turning material wealth into
spiritual felicity": even the rich-especially the rich-
4 could earn salvation through generous sharing of their
Himanshu P. Ray, The Winds of Change: Buddhisma nd the
Maritime Links of Early South Asia (Delhi: Oxford Univ. Press,
1994),8 , 153-54. the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 31.2 (1958):
5 TonamMi amoru Ji andT akedaY ukioA B3:X, Zui- 53-55, 113.
To teikoku to kodai Chosen (The Sui-Tang Empire and Ancient 11 Thomas Francis Carter,T he Invention of Printing in China
Korea), Sekai no rekishi 6 (Tokyo: Chuokoron-sha, 1997), 232. and its Spread Westward, revised by L. Carrington Goodrich
6 Samguk yusa E [M$ (Memorabilia from the Three (1925; New York:T he Ronald Press, 1955), 26-28, 38-41, 59-
[Korean] Kingdoms), by Iry6n, Da Zangjing (photo-reprinto f 62; Paul Pelliot, (Euvresp osthumes, IV: Les ddbutsd e l'imprim-
Taish6 Tripitaka)( 1280; Taibei: Zhonghua fojiao wenhuaguan, erie en chine (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1953), 33-34, 37-
1957), 3; T.49.998, 1005. 41, 50; Hu Shi -, "Lun chu-Tang sheng-Tang hai meiyou
7 Genko shakusho jI7rfl (History of Buddhism [Com- diaoban shu" (On the Continued Nonexistence of Block-Printed
piled During] the Genk6 Era), Shintei z6ho kokushi taikei, 31 Books in Early and High Tang), Zhongguo tushu shi ziliaoji, ed.
(ca. 1322; Tokyo: Yoshikawa k6bunkan, 1930), 15.224. Liu Jiabi (Hong Kong: Longmen shudian, 1974), 432; Cefu
8 Liu Xinru, Ancient India and Ancient China: Tradea nd Re- yuangui fflITft (The Great Tortoise of Archives) (ca. 1012;
ligious Exchanges AD 1-600 (Delhi: Oxford Univ. Press, 1988), Taibei: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), 160.1932.
"
100-101, 176. 12 Liang shu -( Dynastic History of the Liang), by Yao Sil-
9
Maximilian Klimburg, "The Setting: The Western Trans- ian (557-637) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973), 54.789-90.
HimalayanC rossroads,"in The Silk Route and the Diamond Path: 13 Fozu tongji {iL,, (Complete Records of the Buddha
Esoteric BuddhistA rt on the Trans-HimalayanT radeR outes, ed. and Patriarchs),b y Zhipan, Da Zangjing (1269), 37; T.49.351.
Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter( Los Angeles: UCLA Art Council, 14 Nihon shoki ;Ei2[3 (Chronicles of Japan), Shintei z6ho
1982), 32. kokushi taikei (fukyfban) (720; Tokyo: Yoshikawa k6bunkan,
10 Wang Gungwu, "The Nanhai Trade: A Study of the Early 1993), 19.59.
History of Chinese Trade in the South China Sea," Journal of 15 Nihon shoki, 19.71.
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282 Journal of the American Oriental Society 119.2 (1999)
wealth with the Sangha.16T he popularity in fourth and remains plausible, however, that the early Sangha did fill
fifth centuryC hinao f the Vimalakirtif igure,a comfortably something of the role performed by the moder secular
wealthy layman who was nonetheless spiritually unas- commercial infrastructure,f acilitating financial services
sailable, undoubtedly reflects the aspirations of many in and long-distance communication.22
his audience.17 Contact between peoples belonging to different cul-
The Sangha was therefore liberally endowed by pious tures can generate ethnic friction, and even open hostil-
laymen, many of whom were no doubt landowners or ity.23B uddhism's universalistic ethos helped to smooth
officials, but at least some of whom were merchants. over such parochial suspicions.24I n East Asia Buddhist
"South Sea traders all served with honor," for example, monks themselves initially presented a truly outlandish
a certain central Indian monk (Gunavrddhi rflF[JtJt, spectacle, with their uncovered right shoulders, saffron
d. 502) who arrivedi n the Southern-dynastyC hinese cap- robes, shorn heads, and bare feet.25I ndividual Chinese,
ital (modern Nanjing) circa 479, "and made offerings as like the hermit Gu Huan k (420-83) and EmperorW u
they came and went" so that he became selflessly rich in of the NorthernZ hou (r. 561-78), did object to these and
the service of the Buddha.18 other alien practices, but the Buddhist reply was that "in
The financialr esourceso f the BuddhistS angha became the extremity of the Dao there is no ... near or far,"a nd
so great that, in the fifth century, Wang Sengda Et:{ that all such differences are simultaneously both relative
(423-58) could use his official position to extort "several and irrelevant:a t one level the Chinese empire itself had
million" in cash from one monk.19I n China the Sangha incorporated a number of what had once been foreign
turned some of its vast resources to novel commercial states and cultures, while at another level China and In-
purposes,l ending out grain for a profita nd experimenting dia were similarly just sub-regions in the vast realm of
with pawnbrokinga lreadyi n the fifth and sixth centuries.20 the great Buddhist Jambu Cakravartin king.26A s the
D. D. Kosambi speculates that in India monasteries pro- Chan (Zen) patriarch Huineng (638-713) is al-
visioned caravansa nd lent essential capitalt o merchantsi n leged to have quipped: "For people there are north and
the early centuries of the Buddhist era, although other south. For the Buddha-nature,h ow could there be?"27
scholars express skepticism that Indian Buddhists would In Japan, the quarrel over whether or not to accept
have participateds o directly in commercial activity.2'I t Buddhism, as it is presented in the surviving written
sources at least, was couched in terms of the same oppo-
16 Michel Strickmann," India in the Chinese Looking Glass," sailtiisomn, b wetitwhe tehne n laattitveer pevaernotcuhaiallly in wteinrensitnsg a,n ldes isn tfeorrn naotibolne-
in 1T7h Rei Schilakr RdoM uateth aenrd," tVheim Dailaamkiorntida nPda tGhe, n5t9r. y Buddhism,"H is- philosophical reasons than simple pragmatism:" All the
tory of Religions 8.1 (1968): 63.
18 Chu Sanzang jiji :l _i E (Collected Records from the 22 Liu Xinru,1 20-23, 175.
Tripitaka),b y Seng You (435-518) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 23 See Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and
1995), 14.552. the Remakingo f WorldO rder (New York: Simon and Schuster,
19 Song shu 5i (Dynastic History of the [Liu-]Song), By 1996), 67-68.
Shen Yue (441-513) (Beijing: Zhonghuas huju, 1974), 75.1954. 24 Jerry H. Bentley, Old World Encounters: Cross-Cultural
On the economic history of the Church in China, see Jacques Contacts and Exchanges in Pre-Moder Times (New York:O x-
Gernet, Buddhism in Chinese Society: An Economic History ford Univ. Press, 1993), 83-84. On Buddhist universalism, see
from the Fifth to the Tenth Centuries, tr. Franciscus Verellen TsukamotoZ enryf, A History of Early Chinese Buddhism:F rom
(1956; New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1995). its Introduction to the Death of Hui-yuan, tr. Leon Hurvitz
20 Wei shu V (Dynastic History of the [Northern]W ei), by (1979; Tokyo: Kodansha, 1985), 15.
Wei Shou (506-72) (Beijing: Zhonghuas huju, 1974), 114.3041; 25 Michihata Ry6shiu __3jl , Chugoku bukkyo shakai-
Lien-sheng Yang, "BuddhistM onasteriesa nd Four Money-Rais- keizai shi no kenkyu( Studies in the Socio-Economic History of
ing Institutionsi n Chinese History,"i n Yang, Studies in Chinese Chinese Buddhism) (Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1983), 291-92,
Institutional History (Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardU niv. Press, 306-8.
1961), 198-202; Qu Xiaoqiang f/J\S, Bai ma dong lai: fojiao 26 Nan shi t (History of the Southern Dynasties) by Li
dongchuanjiemi (The White Horse Comes East: Uncovering the Yanshou (Ca. 629; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 75.1875-
Secret of Buddhism's Eastward Dissemination) (Chengdu: Si- 77; Hong ming ji ]aLf ] (Collection Expanding Illumination),
chuan renmin chubanshe, 1995), 92-93. by Seng You (435-518) (Taibei: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 7.1b-
21 D. D. Kosambi, The Culturea nd Civilization of Ancient In- 2a, 5b-6a; Guang hong ming ji I*LHA X (Extended Collection
dia in Historical Outline (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, ExpandingI llumination),b y Daoxuan (596-667) (Taibei:Z hong-
1965), 182-87. Ray, 149, writes that Kosambi's interpretation hua shuju, 1966), 10.2a/b; Fozu tongji, 38; T49.358.
"has not found general acceptance." 27 Fozu tongji, 39; T49.368.
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HOLCOMBEM: aritime Trade, Immigration, and the Buddhist Landfall in Early Japan 283
states of the Western foreigners worship it-how could
Japan alone turn its back?"28T here is, of course, good THE ADVERSARIAL STATE, WANDERING MERCHANTS
AND VAGABOND MONKS
reason for handling all such early Japanese accounts with
caution. They are the purposeful literary creations of
later generations, not pristine archival records. Still, the It is known that by the Tang dynasty a significant vol-
famous tale of Buddhisti nternationalismt riumphingo ver ume of shipping was arriving in China from the South
nativist exclusion in Japanm ay reflect some faint echoes Seas. When Ganjin passed through the southern port of
of the true story.29 Guangzhou (Canton) on his circuitous route to Japan in
The Buddhist spirit minimized regional differences. the mid-eighth century, he found "unknown numbers of
Prince Nagaya Ak of Japan (684-729) reportedly or- Indian, Persian, South Sea and other boats, laden with
dered a thousandm onks'r obes to be embroideredw ith the incense, drugs and precious things piled up like moun-
following passage: "The mountainsa nd streamso f differ- tains," and he reportedt hat "an extremely great variety"
ent lands sharet he wind and the moon of the same heaven. of foreigners "come and go and reside there."34
It is up to all the childreno f Buddhat o bind their destinies Chinese sources normally only record the arrival of
together."30W hen Saicho6 (767-822) re-embarked official tribute-bearinge mbassies, and do not mention
for Japani n 805, following his brief initiation into Tiantai privatev essels at all. In the absence of other data, the fre-
(Tendai) Buddhism in Tang China, the Chinese governor quency of embassies is sometimes taken as an indication
of Taizhou ''I' observed that, while "in appearancet he of the volume of maritimea ctivity in general. Sometimes
priest Saicho is from a foreign land, his nature truly it is even assumed that the recorded tribute-embassies
springs from the same origin."31M uch as Christianityi n were the only foreign contacts that took place whatsoever.
Europea t about this same time fostered a sense of shared Prior to the fifth century there were few tributem issions,
Latin civilization amid the cloisters of what were some- althought heir number swelled to a crescendo in the fifth
times truly multi-ethnic monasteries, Buddhism in East and sixth centuries.35In fact, however, there is consider-
Asia carried an internationalf lavor.32W hen the Chinese able reason to doubt the reliability of official embassies
monk Ganjin - (687-763) set sail on his sixth and final as any index for the volume of tradea nd a good likelihood
attempt to introduce the proper Vinaya to Japan in 753, that these statistics conceal a great deal of unrecorded
in additiont o his Chinese partyh e broughtw ith him in his private shipping.36
entourage a Malay, a Cham, and another person vaguely Official ideology in imperial China favored agriculture
described as Hu M (northwesternf oreigner).33 over trade, sometimes even advocating "restrainingc om-
merce with the law" to encourage farming instead.37
28 Nihons hoki,1 9.76-78.F ora discussiono f thisc ontroversy, "Craftsmena nd merchantf amilies eating off of jade [uten-
see JosephM . Kitagawa", TheS hadowo f theS un:A Glimpseo f sils] and clothed in brocade, [while] farmers eat coarse
the Fujiwaraa ndt he ImperiaFl amiliesi n Japan,"in On Under- grains" was viewed as an unacceptable reversal of the
proper social order, which put farming above all other
standing Japanese Religion (1982; Princeton: Princeton Univ.
Press,1 987), 102-4. non-governmentalo ccupations.38E ven when not actively
hostile to trade, members of the elite were at least dis-
29 IenagaS aburo 7'z^fI[, ed., Nihon Bukkyoshi:K odai hen
(Historyo f JapaneseB uddhismA: ntiquity)( Tokyo:H ozokan, missive of it, and legal restrictions, such as the Tang ban
1967),5 2. of 667 on artisansa nd merchantsr iding horses, were not
30 "To dai osho toseiden" -J-LJXtIE (Record of the uncommon in an early imperial China famous for its
GreatT angP riest'sE astwardE xpedition)b, y Omi no Mifune
(722-85), Narai bun( Tokyo:T oky68ds huppan1, 967),8 96.
31 "Dengy6 daishi shorai mokuroku"{ i;tJfktll [H, 34 "Tod ai osho t6seiden,"9 02.
(Catalogo f [Books]B roughbt y Saicho),D engyod aishiz enshu, 35 Tong dian A-f (Comprehensive Canons), by Du You
4 (805; Tokyo:S ekais eitenk ankok y6kai,1 989),3 68. (735-812) (Beijing:Z honghuash uju,1 984),1 88.1007;N ans hi,
32 See the description of "Insulara rt"i n the seventh-century 78.1947; Liang shu, 54.783.
BritishI sles,i n BernardW ailesa ndA myL . Zoll, "Civilization, 36 See Liu Shufen ]J?M4", Liuchao nanhai maoyi de
Barbarisma,n d Nationalismin EuropeanA rchaeology,i"n Na- kaizhan"( The Developmento f South Sea Tradei n the Six
tionalism,p olitics, and the practice of archaeology, ed. Philip L. Dynasties), Liuchao de chengshi yu shehui (Taibei: Xuesheng
Kohl and ClareF awcett( CambridgeC: ambridgeU niv. Press, shuju,1 992),3 17. >
1995),3 1-33. 37 Lu Ji 1[? (261-303), in Jin wen gui ;H (Returnt o Jin
33 YangZ engwen ^- 5, Ribenfojiao shi (A Historyo f Jap- Literature)e,d . ZhongX ing (ca. 1600) (rpt.;T aibei:S hangwu
aneseB uddhism()H angzhouZ:h ejiangre nminc hubanshe1,9 95), yinshuguan1, 973),4 .13a.
80. ForG anjin,s ee Genkos hakusho1, .31-32. 38 Wei shu, 60.1332-33.
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284 Journal of the American Oriental Society 119.2 (1999)
"extreme physiocratic theories."39J ust as commonly, perial commando f 714, for example, enumeratedv arious
ordinaryp eople attemptedt o evade these regulations. In commodities that could not be allowed to pass into the
the early Han dynasty, for example, it was reportedt hat hands of the foreigners living along the northwest fron-
citizens in the Ba-Shu EH region of modem Sichuan tier, while another edict of 743 ordered the complete
province slipped out past the borders to trade illegally terminationo f trade across the western border,f or strate-
with Yunnan tribesmen for horses, servants, and cattle- gic reasons, and despite its acknowledged profitability.44
causing the region of Sichuan to become "wealthy."40 Early Tang efforts to limit foreign entry to official tribute-
Private trade therefore often took place outside the bearing embassies were concentrated, however, on this
law, or at least beyond official cognizance. But it thrived, militarily vital northwesternl and frontier (and diluted by
frequently,n onetheless. By the fourth century,t he (extra- sometimes ratherc onveniently elastic definitions of both
legal) economic exuberance of the Chinese Southern "embassies" and Chinese "citizenship"); maritime con-
dynasties was making it "difficult to maintain the tradi- tact along the eastern coast seems to have been less of a
tional administrationa nd order of urbanm arketa reas."41 concern, and possibly was interferedw ith less.45
The very weakness of the state during the era of the Tang legal restrictions,m oreover, proved ultimately to
Southern dynasties may have even contributed to their be an ineffectual bar to foreign trade, and famously dis-
undoubtedc ommercial prosperity.I n contrastt o the usual integrated towards the end of the dynasty.46Y et even in
Chinese assumption of a close correlation between dy- late Tang the state still attemptedt o maintaina regulatory
nastic splendor and general prosperity,a strong dynasty approacht o commerce,i n 851, for example, mandatingt he
like the early Tang might actually succeed in imposing appointmento f officials to superviset he marketso f all dis-
idealistic, but economically counter-productive,r estric- tricts with three thousando r more households.47A lthough
tions on trade, with the effect of stifling it somewhat. In members of the socio-political elite themselves were not
the opinion of the Japanese scholar Kawakatsu Yoshio always above competing with commonersf or commercial
JI l 0A?tL, Sui-Tang military reunification of imperial profit,t he Tangg overnmentr emainedr esolutelyi ndifferent
China may have resulted in an overall setback to the pre- to commerciali nterests.4I8n 863, for example, officials cre-
viously burgeoning southern commercial economy.42 ated considerabled istress among the trading community
Tang, as an especially vigorous and powerful imperial when they arbitrarilyc onfiscatedp rivatem erchantv essels,
dynasty, may have been relatively successful in its at- and jettisoned their cargoes, so that they could be used to
tempts to secure its borders and regulate trade.43A n im- provision troops by sea from Fujian to Guangzhou.49
Despite this official disregard, indirect evidence of
flourishing sea-borne commerce, unrelatedt o any tribute
39 Xin Tangs hu fi a- (New Dynastic Historyo f the Tang),b y embassies, is provided by the notoriously continuous,
Ouyang Xiu (1007-72) and Song Qi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, uninterrupted opportunity for official corruption pre-
1975), 3.66; Denis Twitchett," The T'ang Market System,"A sia sented by trade in the southern ports, from the Han dy-
Major,n .s., 12.2 (1966): 205-7, 213-14. For conditionsa t the start nasty throught he Tang. Guangzhou (Canton) and Jiaozhi
of the imperial period, see He Qinggu {ni'*, "Qin Shihuang 5Il (a Chinese administrative city in the vicinity of
shidai de siying gongshangye" (Private Handicraftsa nd Tradei n
the Age of the First Emperoro f Qin), Wenbo3 8 (1990.5).
40 Han shu : (Dynastic History of the [Former]H an), by 44 Tangh uiyao HH:z; (Instituteso f Tang),b y Wang Pu (922-
Ban Gu (32-92) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 95.3838. 82) (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1968), 86.1581; 86.1579.
41 Liu Shufen, "San zhi liu shiji Zhe-dong diqu de jingji 45 See Arakawa Masaharu IIIE lE , "T6 teikoku to Sogudo
fazhan" (The Economic Development of the Eastern Zhejiang jin no k6eki katsud6"( The Tang Empire and Sogdian Commer-
Region in the third-sixth Centuries), Liuchao de chengshi yu cial Activity), Toyoshi-kenkyu5 6.3 (1997): 171. See also Tang
shehui (1987; Taibei: Xuesheng shuju, 1992), 205. lii shuyi, 8.128.
42 Kawakatsu Yoshio, Chugoku no rekishi, 3: Gi-Shin nan- 46 For the ineffectiveness of Tang currencye xport regulations,
bokucho (Chinese History, 3: The Wei, Jin, Northerna nd South- see, for example, Xie Haiping -i4[F, Tang dai liu Hua wai-
ern Dynasties) (Tokyo:K odan-sha,1 981), 267-68; "Kaheik eizai guoren shenghuo kaoshu (A Study of the Lives of Foreigners
no shinten to K6 Kei no ran" (The Development of a Money who Lived in China during the Tang Dynasty) (Taibei: Shangwu
Economy and Hou Jing'sR ebellion), Rikuch6k izokuseis hakai no yinshuguan, 1978), 353-54.
kenkyu( 1962; Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1982), 369. 47 Tang huiyao, 86.1583.
43 For the rigorous Tang border and pass control restrictions, 48 Tang huiyao, 86.1582.
see Tang lii shuyi Fjf-jiL (An Annotated Discussion of the 49 Dai viet su ky toan thu jktX ,^P3i (Complete Historical
Tang Penal Code), by Zhangsun Wuji (653; Taibei: Shangwu Records of GreatV ietnam), by Ngo Si Lien (1479; Tokyo:T 6ky6
yinshuguan, 1990), 8.124-28. daigaku t6y6 bunka kenkyfsho fuzoku, 1986), ngoai ky 5.165.
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HOLCOMBEM: aritime Trade, Immigration, and the Buddhist Landfall in Early Japan 285
moder Hanoi) were long known as places where mer- are known to have come to China by sea.57K ang Senghui
chants could become rich.50C omplaints of official extor- NlAt ("the Kang-or Central Asian-Monk Hui";
tion become endemic in the region as early as the late d. 280) is a good example. His family was originally from
Han.51I n the early fourth century, at a time when tribute Samarkand,b ut had lived for generations in India. Kang
embassies were few, it is nonetheless reported that Chi- Senghui'sp arentsm oved to Chinese Jiaozhi "on business,"
nese officials in what is now northernV ietnam made out- where both parents soon died. The orphanedK ang Seng-
rageous demands upon the foreign merchants who came hui then became a monk, after completing the prescribed
by sea, bringing gifts of valuable goods as bribes.52O ne mourning for his parents, and in 247 moved north to the
contemporaryw it explained that in Guangzhou there was capital of Three Kingdoms Wu (modern Nanjing), be-
a "spring of avarice," drinking from which caused offi- coming allegedly the first sramana to appear there. He
cials to lose their incorruptibility.5A3r oundt he turno f the was reportedt o the throneb y an officer as "a Hu,"o r Cen-
fifth century it was reportedt hat the combination of eco- tral Asian, "calling himself a sramana, whose appearance
nomic opportunity and insalubrious climate insured that and dress are not normal," and he subsequently made a
only corrupta nd greedy officials were willing to risk ap- favorable impression on the ruler of Wu with his Bud-
pointment to far-off southern Guangzhou.54 dhist miracles.58
Official exactions continued into the Tang. For the year The Kashmiri monk Gunavarman ~SgP5i (367-
817 it was observed: "Foreign ships arriving at their 431) is another example. After being warmly welcomed
moorings were taxed to drop anchor. When they first ar- in Java, he was "delighted" to receive an official invita-
rived, there was the entertainingo f the inspectors of the tion from the emperor of Southern-dynastyS ong China,
cargo-horn and pearls in profusion, with bribes reach- and, traveling by ship throught he port of Guangzhou, ar-
ing even to their servants."55In the late ninth-century, rived at the Song capital in 431.59A brahmin from cen-
when the rebel Huang Chao i (d. 884) offered to sur- tral India named Gunabhadra liB3RE,tIr,e portedly
render in exchange for appointment as Protector Gen- "drifted with the shipping across the sea" to Guangzhou
eral of Annam (Vietnam) and Military Commissioner of in 435.60G oing the other way, the Chinese monk Yijing
Guangzhou, he was rejected on the grounds that "The Xj- (635-713) embarkedu pon a voyage to India aboard
profits from South Sea trade are immeasurable.I f a rebel a merchantmand epartingf rom Guangzhou in 671.61V aj-
obtains them he will increasingly prosper, while the rabodhi ,]1l~ (in China 719) and Amoghavajra F
state's consumption will suffer."5A6 ll of this is indirect, (705-74) must be counted among the most influential
but conclusive, evidence of a fairly substantial private western monks in Tang China; both "followed the South
maritimet radet hroughoutt his period, including intervals Sea" to Guangzhou.62
when tribute-missions were rare. Three subjects that mainstreamt raditionalC hinese his-
Furthere vidence of continuousp rivatet radinga ctivity, torians seldom addressed were trade, Buddhism, and for-
even as official embassies slowed to a trickle during the eigners. In the sixth century the Buddhist author Huijiao
interim between the great unified Han and Tang dynas-
ties, is provided by the number of Buddhist monks who
57 See Wu Tingqiu I7:q3 and Zheng Pengnian~ g?,
"Fojiaoh ai shangc huanruZ hongguoz hi yanjiu"(S tudiesi n the
50
Han shu, 28B.1670; Sui-shu ~ ff(Dynastic History of the Transmissiono f Buddhismt o Chinab y Sea), Lishi yanjiu 2
Sui),b y WeiZ heng( 580-643) (Beijing:Z honghuash uju,1 973), (1995):2 5-26, 39; FengC hengjunM ,,, ZhongguoN anyang
31.887-88. jiaotong shi (A Historyo f ChineseC ommunicatiown ith the
51 Annam chi luoc t,j ,,I(A Brief Chronicle of Vietnam), SouthS eas)( 1937;T aibei:S hangwuy inshuguan1, 993),3 1-35.
by Le Tac( 1340;B eijing:Z honghuash uju,1 995),7 .167. 58 Chu sanzangjiji, 13.512-13; Gao seng zhuan jifMl (Bi-
52
Jin shu X (Dynastic History of the Jin), ed. Fang Xuan- ographieos f EminenMt onks),b y Huijiao( ca. 530;T aibei:H ui-
ling (644;B eijing:Z honghuash uju,1 974),9 7.2546;T ongd ian, wentang,1 987), 1.10-12; Fozu tongji,3 5; T.49.331.S ee Gao
188.1008. Guanru,[ S1, "Zhongw ai fojiaog uanxis hilie" (Brief His-
53
Jin zhongxing shu t1X^S (fifth century), quoted in Chu tory of Sino-ForeignB uddhistR elations)Z, hongguofo jiao, 1
xuej i VJjg (Recordo f InitialL earning)e, d. Xu Jian (659- (ShanghaiD: ongfangc hubanz hongxin,1 980),2 10.
729) (Beijing:Z honghuash uju,1 962), 8.192. 59 Chu sanzang jiji, 14.543; Fozu tongji, 36; T.49.344.
54 Jin shu, 90.2341. 60 Chu sanzangjiji, 14.547-48.
55 Han Changli quanji ffi (Collected Works of Han 61 Sun Changwu f H :, Zhongguofojiao wenhuax ushuo (In-
Yu [768-824]) (Beijing:Z hongguos hudian1, 991),3 3.416.S ee troductiont o Chinese Buddhist Culture) (Tianjin:N ankai daxue
also Xin Tang shu, 163.5009. chubanshe1, 990),8 0.
56 Xin Tang shu, 225C.6454. 62 Fozu tongji, 40; T49.373.
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286 Journal of the American Oriental Society 119.2 (1999)
1V , for example, complained that despite the attain-
ments of the Kushan lay Buddhist Zhi Qian 9: (flour- THE "INDIANIZATION" OF SOUTHEAST ASIA
ished 222-ca. 253) at the court of Three Kingdoms Wu,
and his contributions to the eastward dissemination of This booming South Sea trade was encouraged by the
Buddhism, he was not reported in the chronicles of Wu formation of a "Sanskrit cosmopolis," a vast Indic oi-
because he was a foreigner-and this in spite of the fact koumene extending throughout nearly all of South and
that Zhi Qian's family had actually immigrated to China Southeast Asia during the first millennium of the Chris-
two generations earlier, in his grandfather'st ime, and he tian era, and markedb y the use of Sanskrita s the universal
had studied Chinese before he learnedt o write any of the language of celebratory public inscriptions.68A lthough
western languages.63S ince we are concerned here with often described as a process of "Indianization,"n o direct
all three of these oft-neglected subjects, it is fortunate Indian political domination, conquest, or colonization of
that there exists a large independent,u nofficial, Buddhist the region was contemplated,n or was there even a single
literature,f rom which we may indirectly learn something preexisting "Indian"c ulture to expand across the region:
about trade and immigration as well. "In fact, much of India itself was being Indianized at the
Political division in China, and the succession of South- very same period as Java or Khmer country-and in a
ern dynasties that were established beginning with Three hardly different way...." 69
Kingdoms Wu and Eastern Jin in the third and fourth Any suggestion of sweeping physical Indian coloni-
centuries, promoted the development of maritime trade zation of the South Sea trading zone is decisively con-
through the South Seas simply because these politically tradicted by the persistence there of quite unrelated
struggling but commercially prosperous Chinese states Austronesian languages, among which Indian loanwords
were cut off from the traditional Central Asian caravan were restricted to Sanskrit terminology having narrowly
routes to their north.64In the thirdc entury,a lready,Z hang elite religio-political applications. That the direction of
Hua ~_ (232-300) could write that "today those who population movement to some extent passed both ways
cross the South Seas to arrive at Jiaozhi are without in- is, moreover, evident from the apparent settlement of
terruption."6O5n the Malay peninsula a principalityc alled Madagascar sometime after 400 A.D. by Austronesian-
(in Chinese) Dunxun tA, communicated with China to speaking people coming from what is now southern
the east, and India and Persia to the west. "In its markets Borneo. Yet a thin, perhaps, dispersion of actual persons
over ten thousand persons from east and west converged from the Indian subcontinent must have been essential
each day. There was no treasure or precious commodity to the rise of "Indianized" communities in Southeast
they did not have."66M erchantsf rom India and even more Asia, enabling the formation of an overarching Sanskrit
distant lands "frequently"t radedw ith Funan (in modern cosmopolis which embraced such diverse native lands.70
Cambodia and southern Vietnam) and the Chinese ad- China, too, was constructing its own "universal" Sinic
ministered regions of moder northern Vietnam during world-order in East Asia at about this same time; one
the period of the Chinese Southern dynasties.67 forged, in this case, chiefly by direct imperial conquest.
But Chinese merchants rarely ventured beyond Chinese
63 Gao seng zhuan, 1.10-11; Chu sanzang jiji, 13.516.
64 Song shu, 97.2399. See HanedaA kira tFflBs", T6-zai 68 Sheldon Pollock, "The Cosmopolitan Vernacular,"J ournal
k6tsu" (East-West Communication), Kizoku shakai, ed. Soto- of Asian Studies 57.1 (1998): 6, 10-12. See also George Coedes,
yamaG unjie t al. (Osaka:S 6gensha,1 981), 116; Liu Shufen, The IndianizedS tates of SoutheastA sia, tr. Susan Brown Cowing
"Nanhai,"34 1. (1944; Honolulu: East-WestC enter Press, 1968), xvii, 10, 15; Li
65 Bo wu zhi tJ, ?, (An Extensive Account of Many Things), Donghua ]_, "Han-Sui jian Zhongguo nanhaij iaotong zhi
by Zhang Hua (232-300) (Taibei: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 1.2a. yanbian" (The Evolution of Chinese Communication with the
66 Liang shu, 54.787; Cefu yuangui, 959.11289. For the loca- South Seas from Han to Sui), (Zhongguo lishixue hui) Shixue
tion of Dunxun, see Willem PieterG roeneveldt,N otes on the Ma- jikan 11 (1979): 50.
lay Archipelago and Malacca, Compiledf rom Chinese Sources 69 Pollock, 33. For a discussion of "Indianization,"s ee Lynda
(Batavia: 1876), 119-21; Kenneth R. Hall, Maritime Tradea nd Norene Shaffer, Maritime Southeast Asia to 1500 (Armonk,
State Development in Early Southeast Asia (Honolulu: Univ. of N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1996), 24-26; Ray, 88-90. Kosambi, 166-
Hawaii Press, 1985), 64-67. 76, provides an Indian perspective on this process.
67 Liang shu, 54.798. In the Tang dynasty it was reportedt hat 70 Peter Bellwood, Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian Archi-
Funan "adjoined"e astern India, and was "only separated from pelago (1985; Honolulu: Univ. of Hawaii Press, 1997), 137-38.
it by a small sea." Tang huiyao, 100.1786. For Madagascar, see 122-23, 136, 276.
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HOLCOMBME:a ritime Trade, Immigration, and the Buddhist Landfall in Early Japan 287
ports, and China played a largely passive role in the South neered his own usurpation, after which time Champa
Sea trade of this era: Southeast Asians and Indians seem became an increasingly serious military threat to the
to have handled most of the shipping prior to the rise of southern Chinese administrations.77
Arab trade in the mid-eighth century.71In Funan, "South- Coedes believed that the Indianized communities of
east Asia's first state" (ca. first-sixth centuries), an Indian Southeast Asia became progressively more Hinduized as
brahmin named Kaundinya J3lF V became king in the well, but that commerce and Buddhist missionary zeal
late fourth century, and reportedly altered its institutions were the initial impulses driving this expansion of Indic
to conform to Indian usage.72O ther Indians are supposed culture.78D uring the early centuries of the Christian era
to have ruled in Funan even before that time, and Indian wandering Indian Buddhists must have been a surpris-
and even Roman artifacts and inscriptions have been un- ingly frequent sight in Southeast and even East Asian
covered there by archeologists dating from as early as the waters. In the context of a Buddhist account, five large
second century.73F ollowing the demise of Funan in the Indian merchant vessels were reported in the middle
early seventh century, the heavily Indianized Buddhist reaches of the Yangzi River, above Lake Dongting, in
tradingc ommunityo f Srivijaya ff tIJRLf g, on the island the early fifth century.79I n 499 a foreign monk is re-
of Sumatra, rose to dominate Southeast Asian trade for corded to have arrivedi n central China, claiming to have
several centuries, beginning about 670.74 come from Fus6 tA- (Ch., Fusang), an obscurely leg-
On the Chinese border,i n what is now central Vietnam, endary land located beyond Japanese Wa. The monk
Austronesian-speakingp eoples established a heavily In- explained that in 458 five bhiksus from Kashmir had in-
'
dianized kingdom called Champa tt towards the end troduced Buddhism to that island.80A lthough Fus6 can-
of the second century.75T he early Cham kings reportedly not now be located, and his story is unverifiable,t here is
dressed after the fashion of Buddhist images, and went no reason to doubt his reported arrival in China, or the
out in procession astride elephants in the Indian manner, scattering of other monks out across the South Seas. It
shaded by parasols, to the sound of the blowing of may be questioned how many of these were from the
conches and the beating of drums.76I n 331 (or 337) the actual Indian subcontinent, but their Indic orientation is
Cham throne was usurped by a certain King Wen tE, beyond suspicion.
who some accounts claim was born farther north in By the fifth century the fringe of this Indian diaspora
China proper, but who as a youth had become a house- may have reachedm oder Korea.81O f greaterr elevance, a
hold slave of a tribal leader in Chinese-administered few Indianss eem to have even put ashorei n Japan.T he Ni-
Vietnam, and traveled widely in the capacity of a mer- hon shoki records that in 654 four persons from Tokhara
chant. In Champa he impressed the native king with his (Afghanistan)a nd a woman from Sravasti( northeastI ndia)
extensive knowledge of the world, and eventually engi- were blown by a storm to Hyuga, in southeast Kyushf.82
Writing in the nineteenth century, Aston dismissed this
ancient Japanese record with the observation that "it is
7721 WangG ungwu4, 3-44, 103;H all,4 2. absurdt o speak of natives of India being cast ashore"i n
Hall, 48-77; Liang shu, 54.789; Tong dian, 188.1008; Japan.83In the light of the archeological and other evi-
Coedes,5 6. Ray, 159-60, suggestst hatu nlikea modern" state" dence for a universalized Indic community extending
or "kingdom,"th is Funanw as moreo f a simplec ongerieso f
"chiefdoms."
73 Hall,5 9; Coedes, 17. 77 Shuij ing zhu 7J;Ifit (AnnotatedC lassico f Rivers),b y Li
74 Coedes,8 1; WangG ungwu9, 7; Hall,7 8. Daoyuan (ca. 520; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1990),
75
Lu Shipeng ?t J, Bei shu shiqi de Yuenan:Z hong-Yue 36.685; Jin shu, 97.2545-46; Liang shu, 54.784; Tong dian,
guanxis hi zhiy i (Vietnamin the Periodo f Subordinatiotno the 188.1008.
North:A Historyo f Sino-VietnamesRe elations)( HongK ong: 78 Coedes, 19-21, 23, 50-51, 63-64. See also Ray, 132-34,
ChineseU niv.o f HongK ong,S outheastA sia StudiesS ection, 136, 199-200; Bellwood,1 37-38.
1964),8 6-87. On the islando riginso f the Chams,s ee Charles 79 Gao seng zhuan,2 .50. See FengC hengjun3, 5.
Higham, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia (Cambridge:C am- 80 Liang shu, 54.808.
bridgeU niv.P ress, 1996), 304-8. The kingdomo f Champais 81 KamataS higeo E[f f j l, Bukky6d enrai( The Introduc-
said to have survived,i n one formo r anotheru, ntil the early tion of Buddhism()T okyo:K odansha1, 995), 11.
nineteenthc entury. 82 Nihon shoki, 25.256.
76 Cefu yuangui, 959.11288; Taipingy ulan _gIZ] ([Ency- 83 W. G. Aston, tr., Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the
clopediaA ssembledfo r]I mperiaIln spectiond uringt he Taiping Earliest Times to A.D. 697 (1896; Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tut-
Era)( 983; Taibei:S hangwuy inshuguan1, 980),7 86.3611. tle, 1972),2 :246 n. 8.
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288 Journal of the American Oriental Society 119.2 (1999)
throughout Southeast Asia in this period, however, it is cially from the late fifth century.88 And it was Paekche,
not at all unbelievable that isolated Indians or other Indi- in particular, which was responsible for the transmission
anized persons might have voyaged as far as the coasts of Buddhism and other aspects of continental culture to
of Japan, although the recorded Indian place-names may Japan.89 A number of scholars claim to detect a direct
well be garbled ("exaggerated,"o r embellished, perhaps), connection between the Buddhist culture of Southern
and their numbers must have been few. There is also, dynasty China, Paekche, and Japan.90 And when the Jap-
moreover, the well documented case of the south Indian anese subsequently began communicating directly by
brahminB odhisena, who famously officiated at the cere- sea with China in the seventh century, bypassing Korean
mony "opening"t he eyes of the GreatB uddha at Nara in middlemen, their immediate point of disembarkation was
752, and who arrived in Japan in 736 in the company of also in south China, especially at the port city now called
a Cham monk he had met "at sea."84 Ningbo.91 All of this suggests a special relevance for the
southern maritime diffusion of Buddhism to Japan. And,
EARLY JAPAN'S SOUTHWARD TILT of course, the final jump across the straits of Tsushima or
the East China Sea had, perforce, to be made by boat.
Buddhism, of course, came to China overland, via the
caravan trade routes of Central Asia, as well as by sea. AN IMMIGRANT SOCIETY
If anything, this continental land transmission of Bud-
dhism is better known, and was more influential. By Most of those who sailed to Japan in these early cen-
509, for example, there were a reported three thousand turies, however, came as permanent immigrants-some-
monks from the western regions in the Northern Wei times unintentionally, like the ten Paekche monks who
empire.85T he construction of over a hundreda nd twenty were blown off their course home from south China in
Buddhist stone grottoes in China beginning in the fourth 609 and petitioned to be allowed to remain in Japan92-
and fifth centuries is enduring proof of this silk-route
connection. Interestingly, however, this northern silk- 88 Han Sheng -, "'Wei fa Baiji' yu Nanbeichao shiqi
route-style of Buddhist architecturee xtended no further Dongya guoji guanxi" ([Northern] Wei's Chastisement of
east than Silla, in Korea, and no further south than ap-
Paekche, and East Asian InternationalR elations in the Northern
proximately the line of the Yangzi River in China.86 and Southern Dynasties Period), Lishi yanjiu (1995.3): 40-41,
Such grottoes are notably lacking in Japana nd Southern- 43; Kamata Shigeo, 110. On Paekche culture, see Sarah
dynasty China. Milledge Nelson, The Archeology of Korea (Cambridge:C am-
Although Buddhism was introducedt o northernK orea
bridge Univ. Press, 1993), 11, 220.
from the northern (semi-) Chinese conquest states, pre- 89 See, for example, Saito Tadashi )f , Chosen kodai
sumably by land, it was introducedi nto the southwestern bunka no kenkyu (Studies in Ancient Korean Culture) (Tokyo:
Korean kingdom of Paekche by a Hu monk Malananda Chijin shokan, 1943), 245; Kim Ch'ungny6o, ,,l, Gaoli ruxue
'lJ|,M , coming from Southern-dynasty Jin in 384, sixiang shi (A History of Kory6 Confucian Thought) (Taibei:
presumablyb y sea.87T hereafter,P aekche, which was re- Dongda tushu gufen youxian gongsi, 1992), 35-38, 43.
nowned among the Korean kingdoms of the period for 90 YoshimuraR ei i '|v , "Asukay 6shiki Nanch6 kigen ron"
its sophisticated Buddhist culture, maintained notably (On the Southern Dynasty Origins of the Asuka-style), Higashi
close ties with the Chinese southern dynasties, espe- Ajia to Nihon: koko, bijutsu hen, ed. TamuraE ncho sensei koki-
kinenkai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa k6bunkan, 1987); Sonoda K6yu,
84 Genko shakusho, 15.224; "Nan tenjiku baramon s6jo hi" "Early Buddha Worship," The Cambridge History of Japan,
fA ,r S. PEfiEE (Inscription for the Brahmin High Priest vol. 1: Ancient Japan (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press,
from Southern India), Nara ibun (Tokyo: T6ky6d6 shuppan, 1993), 366, 370.
1967), 887; Kamata Shigeo, 166, 277. 91 Oba Osamu filJ, "Nihon no kenkyfsha karam ita Nitchfi
85 Fozu tongji, 38; T49.355. bunka k6ryishi" (The History of Sino-Japanese Cultural Ex-
86 Sun Changwu, 199-201; Liu Xinru, 124, 144; Kamata change as Viewed by JapaneseS cholars), Nitchd bunkak 6ryushi
Shigeo, 255; Luo Zongzhen ,.,-, Liu chao kaogu (Six Dy- sosho, 1: Rekishi, ed. Oba Osamu and Wang Xiaoqiu (Tokyo:
nasties Archeology) (Nanjing:N anjing daxue chubanshe, 1994), Taishikan shoten, 1995), 8-9. See also Lin Shimin t4q?L,
101, 241. "Tangd ai dongfang haishi juodong yu Mingzhou gang" (Eastern
87 Samguk sagi ESP-.__E (Historical Record of the Three Maritime Activity in the Tang Dynasty and Mingzhou [Ningbo]
[Korean] Kingdoms), by Kim Pu-sik, annotatedt r. by Ch'oe Ho Harbor), Zhedong wenhua luncong, ed. Dong Yi'an (Beijing:
(1145; Seoul: Hongsin munhwasa, 1994), 2:37 (Paekche basic Zhongyang bianyi chubanshe, 1995), 153, 160.
annals 2); Samguk yusa, 3; T.49.986; Kamata Shigeo, 277. 92 Nihon shoki, 22.151-52; Genko shakusho, 16.231.
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