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Social Structure and Voting in the United States PDF

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Robert B. Smith Social Structure and Voting in the United States Social Structure and Voting in the United States Robert B. Smith Social Structure and Voting in the United States 123 RobertB. Smith Social Structural Research Inc. 1010Memorial Drive Cambridge, MA 02138-4858 USA e-mail: [email protected] Additional material tothis bookcanbedownloaded from http://extras.springer.com. ISBN978-94-017-7485-7 ISBN978-94-017-7487-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-94-017-7487-1 LibraryofCongressControlNumber:2015956366 ©SpringerScience+BusinessMediaDordrecht2016 Thisworkissubjecttocopyright.AllrightsarereservedbythePublisher,whetherthewholeorpart of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission orinformationstorageandretrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilar methodologynowknownorhereafterdeveloped. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publicationdoesnotimply,evenintheabsenceofaspecificstatement,thatsuchnamesareexemptfrom therelevantprotectivelawsandregulationsandthereforefreeforgeneraluse. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authorsortheeditorsgiveawarranty,expressorimplied,withrespecttothematerialcontainedhereinor foranyerrorsoromissionsthatmayhavebeenmade. Printedonacid-freepaper ThisSpringerimprintispublishedbySpringerNature TheregisteredcompanyisSpringerScience+BusinessMediaB.V.Dordrecht For my parents Preface This book studies how the voting choices of individuals are shaped by the inter- actions between two considerations: their sentiments, which may be practical or moralorboth;andthetangibleproblemsoftheirstateofresidence.Practicalvoters make reasonable, deliberative decisions: they consider which candidates can best solvethesocialandeconomicproblemsoftheirstateandnation.Moralvotersmake theirdecisionsaccordingtotheirownstronglyheldculturalvalues,beliefs,aswell as their moral commitments: they make morally rational, intuitive, and emotional decisions. In making their choices voters express a mixture of practical and moral considerations, with the weighting of each factor varying with individual and circumstance. This book seeks to answer a general question: Are voting decisions more decisivelydeterminedbymoralconsiderationsindicatedbymoralconservatismand moralliberalismorbythepractical considerationsreflectingeconomicself-interest and the tangible problems of their state and nation? In this connection, it further asks howdopractical votersmake uptheirmindtovotefor acandidate;how doa state’s tangible social and economic problems inform practical decision making; andhowdoastate’scharacteristicscombinewithitsvoters’politicalideologiesand moral sentiments to limit practical voting? To answer these questions, this book linkssurveydataonthe2008presidentialelectiontoinformationaboutthetangible problems of each state. Accordingly, Part I of this book, focusing on practical voting, asks: How do social attributes, political ideology, and social contexts influence the practical voting decisions of individuals? Part II, asks: What are the tangible social and economicproblemsoffourstatesanddotheseproblemsinfluencepracticalvoting? And Part III, on moral voting, asks: How does moral conservatism—sentiments about abortion, same-sex marriage, and guns—affect the voters’ political variables andcontributetodisconnectionsbetweenthedevelopmentalneedsofthestatesand the political responses of the voters? vii viii Preface The numerous studies of voting have provided me with a theoretical and sub- stantive understanding of which variables are important, how they may differ in priority(e.g.,timeorder),howthevariablesformasystemofrelationships,andthe variables’effects.InthisstudyIformtheoreticalconceptsatthemiddle-rangelevel of abstraction; I then combine deductive and inductive approaches to test hypotheses anduncover new findings.Most often thefindings I uncover posenew research questions, which I then address: the new research questions may in turn lead to additional research questions and findings. For example, I find that party affiliation and political ideology do not vary much across the four types of states; but indicators of moral conservatism do vary, with the South and Heartland more conservativethantheothertypesofstates.ThisfindingledmetoexploreinPartIII the determinants and consequences of moral conservatism. To depict the results I usegraphicalmodelsthatsynthesizemanyofthespecificfindingsandopenupnew avenues of inquiry. Above all, this book shows that moral considerations often trump the practical; political ideologies shape party affiliation more than does party affiliation shape political ideologies; the income inequality characterizing a state affects its risks to human development, but inequality had no discernible effect on the voters in the 2008 election; the historical classification of states as red, purple, or blue has very little direct influence on why people choose a particular candidate; a typology that groups states as South, Heartland, postindustrial, or balanced predicts the political color of the states and organizes a vast range of macrolevel indicators of tangible problemsbuthaslittleeffectonthevoters’politicalsentiments;moralconservatism leadstofavorablesentimentsabouttheeconomyanddisregardforcrucialeconomic problems—inequality, wage stagnation, insecure pensions, and risks of unem- ployment.Moralconservatismversusmoralliberalism—culturalsentiments—isan important cleavage that more than most other variables shape political ideology, party affiliation, and the voting choice, and limit practical voting. This research suggests how high-quality education can ease these limits. I should like to thank Morris Halle for his suggestion that I write a book on voting. I also thank the staff at Springer, specifically Esther Otten, who commis- sioned this book and commented on several chapters; Hendrikje Tuerlings, who guided this project through the publication process and made helpful editorial suggestions; and their colleagues Myriam Poort, Miranda Dijksman, and Cynthia Kroonenforsupportingthisproject.ForproducingthisbookIthankFermineShaly and Rajesh Sambandam and their colleagues at Scientific Publishing Services, Chennai India. For their comments on various chapter drafts, I thank William D’Antonio, Harry Dahms, Lilian Handlin, Ruth Leeds Love, Laird McCulloch, JudithNiehues,SidneyVerba,andCameliaVoinea.FortheirinsightfulcommentsI thank the anonymous readers. I especially thank Joanna Handlin Smith for her lovingcompanionshipthatmadethisbookpossibleandforhereditorialcomments; Preface ix and Burton Greenberg, Stephanie Moore, Jagmeet Singh, and Randall Zusman for sharing their wisdom with me. I thank Ana Iparraguirre of Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research and the Democracy Corps for providing me with the survey data and allowing me to use them.IthankthefollowingSAStechnicalsupportpersonnelfor theirassistancein my preparing these data for analysis, using the survey regression and other survey procedures, specifying the structural equation models as estimated by Proc Calis, and preparing the data for map-making, respectively, Kurt Jones, Rob Agnelli, Jill Tao,andKathrynMcLawhorn.IalsothankJunhakLeeoftheUniversityofTexas, Arlington, for preparing the map of the typology of states and Jeffrey Blossom oftheCenterforGeographicAnalysisofHarvardUniversityforpreparingthemaps of moral conservatism and its components. The materials in this book bear on contemporary problems and, with one small exception,havenotbeenpreviouslypublished.Presentationsonthemedia,politics, and policy, at the Shorenstein Center, Harvard Kennedy School, kept my knowl- edge of current developments up to date. The interdisciplinary seminars on inequalityandsocialpolicy,atHarvardKennedy School, reinforced myinterestin this important topic. My presentations at meetings of the Eastern Sociological Society, the Society for the Advancement of Socioeconomics, and the Boston ChapteroftheAmericanStatisticalAssociationhelpedmetoclarifytheexposition, asdidnumerousdiscussionswithfriends.Theviewsexpressedinthisbookaremy own and not necessarily those of other people or organizations. Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Robert B. Smith Contents 1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1.1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1.2 A Theoretical Model. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 1.3 Part I, Practical Voting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 1.4 Part II, Tangible Problems. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 1.5 Part III, Moral Voting. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Notes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Part I Practical Voting 2 Voters for Obama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 2.1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 2.1.1 New Contributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 2.1.2 Approach. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 2.1.3 The Survey Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 2.2 Discontent. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 2.3 Analysis of Contributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 2.4 Variables of the Voting Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 2.5 Stability of the Party Choice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 2.6 Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Notes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 3 Variables of Practical Voting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 3.1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 3.1.1 New Contributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 3.1.2 Literature Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 3.2 Blocks of Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 3.2.1 Block a, the Voting Choice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 3.2.2 Block b, Party Affiliation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 3.2.3 Block c, Political Ideology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 xi xii Contents 3.2.4 Block d, Context and Control. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 3.2.5 Block d, Social Attributes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 3.3 Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Notes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 4 Models of Practical Voting. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 4.1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 4.1.1 Literature Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 4.1.2 Strategy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 4.2 Ideology Influences Party Affiliation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 4.3 Testing the Mechanism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 4.3.1 Model 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 4.3.2 Model 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 4.3.3 Model 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 4.3.4 Model 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 4.3.5 Model 5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 4.3.6 Model 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 4.4 Recursive Asymmetric Models. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 4.4.1 Model 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 4.4.2 Model 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 4.4.3 Model 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 4.5 Graphical Asymmetric Models. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 4.5.1 Chain Graph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 4.5.2 Regression Graphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 4.6 Reciprocal Effects of Ideology and Party Affiliation . . . . . . . . 110 4.7 Direct, Indirect, and Total Effects of Political Variables. . . . . . 111 4.7.1 Direct Effects. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 4.7.2 Indirect Effects. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 4.7.3 Total Effects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 4.8 RPB and Human Development. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 4.9 Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 Notes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 Part II Tangible Problems 5 Postindustrial Indicators, Human Development, and Red–Purple–Blue States. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 5.1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 5.1.1 New Contributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 5.1.2 The Data. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128

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