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Selected Speeches and Writings PDF

302 Pages·1982·13.929 MB·English
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Other Pergamon books of interest BREZHNEV: Selected Speeches and Writings BREZHNEV: Socialism, Democracy and Human Rights GROMYKO: Only for Peace KOSYGIN: Selected Speeches and Writings LEBEDEV: A New Stage in International Relations LEBEDEV: Great October and Todays World PONOMAREV: Selected Speeches and Writings SUSLOV: Selected Speeches and Writings Selected Speeches and Writings by KONSTANTIN CHERNENKO Translated by Y. S. Shirkov PERGAMON PRESS OXFORD · NEW YORK TORONTO SYDNEY PARIS · FRANKFURT U.K. Pergamon Press Ltd., Headington Hill Hall, Oxford 0X3 OBW, England U.S.A. Pergamon Press Inc., Maxwell House, Fairview Park, Elmsford, New York 10523, U.S.A. CANADA Pergamon Press Canada Ltd., Suite 104, 150 Consumers Rd., Willowdale, Ontario M2J 1 P9, Canada AUSTRALIA Pergamon Press (Aust.) Pty. Ltd., P.O. Box 544, Potts Point, N.S.W. 2011, Australia FRANCE Pergamon Press SARL, 24 rue des Ecoles, 75240 Paris, Cedex 05, France FEDERAL REPUBLIC Pergamon Press GmbH, 6242 Kronberg-Taunus, OF GERMANY Hammerweg 6, Federal Republic of Germany Selection, arrangement and translation copyright © 1982 VAAP, Moscow All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without permission in writing from the copyright holders. First edition 1982 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Chernenko, Constantine Selected speeches and writings. 1. Russia—History—1953—Sources. 2. Russia—Politics and government—1953. —Sources. I. Title 947.0853 0924 DK274 ISBN 0-08-025848-4 Printed in Great Britain by A. Wheaton & Co. Ltd., Exeter Preface I MUST admit that on learning of Pergamon's request that I write a preface to their edition of my selected speeches and writings, I first thought it would hardly be necessary. What I wanted to convey in my writings now addressed to the British reading public was there after all. The main aspects of Soviet home and foreign policies need no special 'export' packaging, so to say. My public statements express to a varying degree the Soviet concepts, ideals and objectives. On reflection, however, I thought better of it. Indeed, my articles and speeches were originally addressed to Soviet audiences, so a foreign reader may really want a few encouraging words from the author to guide him when he opens this book. I also considered the fact that in Britain today the Soviet stance on various issues is often depicted to the public in a distorted light, to put it mildly. So I finally took up the Publisher's kind offer and wrote this short preface. The Soviet people and the Soviet Communist Party harbour no secret intentions or malicious designs. We are open to the world, and, for our part, we are looking at the world with open eyes. Naturally, we are mainly concerned with our home affairs. We are concentrating on constructive tasks, such as advancing socialist democracy, developing industry, science and technology, agriculture and culture. Our progress in these fields is truly spectacular. Contrary to our ill-wishers' talk about a 'decline of communism', we take a long stride forward every year. As far as its economic and intellectual potential is concerned, the Soviet Union of the eighties differs strikingly not only from the young revolutionary Russia of the twenties but even from what it was twenty to thirty years ago. vii viii PREFACE This is not to say that we have no difficulties. They do exist, and the Communist Party frankly admits them. This, incidentally, is what helps the Soviet Union to cope with them successfully and to scale one summit after another in its progress. My country is getting richer and more advanced culturally, and its people have a higher standard of living than ever before. These are the fruits of the Soviet people's work for themselves and for society in conditions of freedom. In its foreign policy the Soviet Union attaches top priority to safeguarding and strengthening peace and is determined to end the arms race, for a negotiated settlement of international conflicts, for mutually beneficial cooperation among nations on a basis of equality. It has in fact taken a constructive stand, without prejudice, on all vital international issues. We are in favour of an active and fruitful dialogue with nations living under a different social system to ours, the United States and Great Britain in particular. To work patiently so as to create a climate of trust and accord on earth is what my country is calling on other nations to do. The bitter experience of war-time ordeals has taught us to be vigilant. The Soviet Union has great military might. As President Brezhnev has stated repeatedly, we are capable of meeting any challenge effectively. We hope, however, that nobody will be tempted to test the Soviet Union's strength again. We are not seeking military superiority, of course, but we will not concede to any nation gaining such superiority over us. What the Soviet people expect from the eighties is described in the Peace Programme General Secretary Brezhnev proclaimed at the 26th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. The Soviet Union is unswervingly following this line. The USSR and the USA have much to divide them. They adhere to opposite ideological views. In the trying years of the Second World War, however, this fact did not prevent the Soviet, the American and the British people becoming staunch allies in the fight against the Axis powers. The Soviet-American dialogue in the seventies was a major component of the process of détente. Whether the coming years will see cooperation or stiff confrontation between the two great powers is now up to the United States. PREFACE ix Our implicit faith in communist ideals is rooted in social reality. Of course, every Soviet citizen has a life path unmistakably his or her own. In one common area, however, the experience of millions of individuals is identical : socialism, a dynamic and strong social system, as it is, is also a fair system, which brings education and culture within reach of all, offers everyone a job of his choice and excellent opportunities for advancement. My own life story is an example in point. I shall tell it in brief as the Publisher asked me. I was born into a large and poor peasant family in the Krasnoyarsk region of Siberia in 1911.1 lost my mother when I was a young boy. At 12 I went to work for a wealthy master to earn my living. New Soviet life was just coming into its own, and I felt its fresh winds when I had joined the Young Communist League. That was back in 1926. We studied and held down our jobs at the same time. We were underfed and poorly clothed, but the dream of a radiant future for all fascinated us and made us feel happy. That was a time of tension. Now and then there were press reports about conflicts with foreign intruders raiding Soviet borders. So I volunteered to join the border guards. After some delay my request was granted. I joined the Communist Party in 1931 during my term of service with border troops and was soon elected a Party secretary. Party work demands energy and creativity. It means mingling with people all the time and dealing with a host of interesting problems. I was wholly engrossed in my new duties. Nazi Germany's attack on my country found me in the post of secretary of the Krasnoyarsk Territorial Party Committee. I im- mediately volunteered for front-line duty, but all my requests were turned down. Siberia became one of the nation's arsenals in war time. Industrial plant evacuated from areas threatened by Nazi invasion had to be promptly brought back into production and geared to the war effort. Thousands of refugee families arrived in Siberia. All had to be accommodated, given jobs and encouragement. We made every effort to relieve their plight. The year 1943 turned the tide of hostilities in the Soviet theatre of war. After the Battle of Stalingrad and the debacle of the Nazi crack forces in the Battle of the Kursk Bulge, victory came into clearer view on the far SSW - A' χ PREFACE horizon. It was time the Party gave attention to peace-time problems, which were bound to be quite formidable in a country devastated by war. I was sent to advanced training courses for Party functionaries under the CPSU Central Committee. Later I served as secretary of the Penza Regional Party Committee and as chief of the Propaganda Department at the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Moldavia. The Soviet people's great exploit of economic recovery is vividly described in Leonid Brezhnev's book of memoirs Reconstruction well known to the world's reading public. For over two decades now I have served in top Party and government jobs in Moscow. What I wish to say in conclusion of this preface is an expression of not only my view, but the view of the Communist Party and the entire Soviet people. Today it is more important than ever before to multiply our efforts towards mutual understanding. The imperative need to preserve peace and to guarantee every nation the right to free and independent development has priority over everything else. I would like the peoples of the Soviet Union and Great Britain to be partners in making progress towards these goals. KONSTANTIN CHERNENKO 1. Following Lenin's Behests Report at a commemorative meeting in Moscow on the occasion of the 111th anniversary of Lenin's birth, 22 April 1981 Dear comrades, We have assembled here today to honour the memory of Lenin. It is now the 111th anniversary of his birth. This anniversary comes in an eventful period in the life of the Party and country when the Communists and all Soviet citizens have got down to work with enthusiasm and determination to implement the resolu- tions of the 26th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. The Congress was a forceful demonstration of the triumph of Lenin's theory in the practical work and plans of the Soviet people. Everything that the Congress discussed, its guidelines on the theoretical and practical problems of communist construction, for advancement of the political system, the economy and culture, its assessments and conclu- sions concerning the world revolutionary process and foreign policy— all these are inseparably linked with Lenin's teaching. All these are an expression of the transformative power and revolutionary spirit of Leninism. This is why we say, "Lenin is with us!" Lenin was a great thinker and theorist. This, however, is by no means enough to make his portrait complete. Lenin merged revolutionary theory into revolutionary action. He founded the Bolshevik Party, a party of like-minded Communists, who followed the lodestar of Marxist-Leninist theory and led the Soviet people to historic ac- complishments of worldwide significance. ι 2 SELECTED SPEECHES AND WRITINGS It has long been known that great heroes who make history have unusual power over time. Decades and centuries that pass throw into ever more salient relief their role in history, and their influence on the destiny of mankind is ever more clearly appreciated. In the galaxy of such stars of the first magnitude Lenin, a great son of Russia, occupies a distinctive, one might say unique, place. An unusually talented man, a genius in the true sense of the word, Lenin amazes one by the wealth of his creativity and individuality. It is visible in every trait of his character : his manner of thinking and political activities, his wide and varied interests, the inimitable combination of his qualities as a thinker and as a professional revolutionary. Lenin's brilliant mind absorbed the finest achievements of world culture and gave a powerful impulse to the all-round development of Marxism. His fiery heart beat in unison with the hearts of millions upon millions of oppressed people longing for freedom and justice. And Lenin applied his willpower, all his knowledge, and his hatred of the exploiters to the achievement of one goal : to demolish the old world and to build a new world of freed labour. Lenin and the party he had founded performed this titanic task. Lenin's doctrine, his vigorous dedicated activities as a revolutionary brought about an epoch-making turn in the history of social relations : the Great October Socialist Revolution. The entire history of this socialist country is linked with Lenin's name and teaching. "Lenin was with us in the stormy years of the early Five-Year Plans. Lenin was with us in the battles of the Great Patriotic War. Lenin is with us today, when the peoples of the Soviet Union have advanced to new historical frontiers and are handling the tasks of communist construction"—this is what Leonid Brezhnev said of Lenin. A precise and meaningful statement indeed. Lenin was destined to live less than 54 years. And what years they were! Imprisonment, exile, the time of emigration—"a hell of a time", as he used to say, the bitterness of defeats, and endless struggle, endless work for revolution, for victory. The revolution had won at last. Lenin stood at the helm of the world's first socialist state. And again a period of severe trials began: the Civil War, the foreign military intervention and economic blockade, econ- omic ruin, and acts of terrorism. Superhuman strain and superhuman FOLLOWING LENIN'S BEHESTS 3 efforts As they say, however, a great goal gives birth to great energy. For all the difficulties and obstacles in the path of revolution Lenin believed as long as he lived in the inevitable liberation of the proletariat. Lenin was thoroughly familiar with the thoughts, sentiments and aspirations of the people. He was invariably among the people and his Party comrades. And not only because that was required by his main profession as a proletarian political leader and revolutionary. That was a dictate of his nature. Lenin was a sociable, lively and kind-hearted man, loyal in friendship, an attentive and responsive listener. No self-admiration, no exultation in his own significance, no affectation. This is how Lenin is remembered by his associates, his friends, and even his enemies. This is what he really was—a truly popular leader of the broadest popular movement in history. The heritage Lenin left us is truly enormous. This is our state: the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. This is the battle-hardened Communist Party of the Soviet Union. This is the time-tested theory and methods of revolutionary remaking of society. Lenin's heritage has produced and is producing today a tremendous impact on the whole world, on our epoch. Just take a look at the present alignment of world forces, at the main world contradictions, at the most vital problems of the liberation movement. They are rooted in those unforgettable years when Lenin and the Leninists made the first breach in the worldwide system of imperialist exploitation. It is now over six decades since then. The emergence of a new world is a difficult, at times agonizing process. But the wind of revolution, of Lenin's ideas continues to fill the sails of the ship of social progress. And in this lies the hope for mankind. The Party's Leninist Strategy in the Decisions of its 26th Congress IT IS less than two months since the 26th Party Congress came to a close. Its historic significance will indisputably be more and more clearly realized as the plans outlined by the Party are implemented. Already today, however, there is every reason to say that by developing the strategic line charted by the 24th and the 25th Congresses the 26th

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