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RUSSIAN IDENTITIES A Historical Survey Nicholas V. Riasanovsky 1 2005 3 Oxford University Press,Inc.,publishes works that further Oxford University’s objective ofexcellence in research,scholarship,and education. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Copyright © 2005byOxford University Press Published by Oxford University Press,Inc. 198Madison Avenue,New York,New York 10016 www.oup.com Oxford is a registered trademark ofOxford University Press All rights reserved.No part ofthis publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,or transmitted,in any form or by any means, electronic,mechanical,photocopying,recording,or otherwise, without the prior permission ofOxford University Press. Library ofCongress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Riasanovsky,Nicholas Valentine,1923– Russian identities:a historical survey / Nicholas V.Riasanovsky. p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13 978-0-19-515650-8 ISBN0-19-515650-1 1.Russians—Ethnic identity. 2.National characteristics,Russian. 3.Russia—Civilization—Philosophy. 4.Slavs,Eastern—History—Philosophy. 5.Nationalism—Russia—History. I.Title. DK33.R53 2005 947—dc22 2004065447 1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Printed in the United States ofAmerica on acid-free paper Acknowledgments Taking into account the scope ofthis work and the fact that parts ofit were at the center of my scholarly interest for decades, I find no effective way to make full acknowledgments.I am thinking especially of numerous teachers and colleagues, now dead, to whom the work is dedicated.At this point I am limiting myself to listing the names of those specialists who read and criticized all or some of the manuscript itself:professors Victoria Bonnell,George Breslauer,John Connelly,the late Ernest Haas,the late Martin Malia,Robert Middlekauff,Iuri Slezkine,the late Alexander Vucinich,the late Reginald Zelnik,and Victor Zhivov.I could expatiate on profiting from,among other topics,Zhivov’s magnificent knowledge ofRussian history, Breslauer’s relentless tracking of Soviet leaders, or Connelly’s precision about relevant developments in eastern Europe; but all my readers and critics published their own books and do not need my accolades.Obviously,however,they should not be held responsible for the remaining mistakes and weaknesses in my work. I received expert help also from my successive research assistants, Ilya Vinkovetsky and Leonid Kil, both very promising young scholars. Thomas Livingston performed excellently the task of preparing and typing the manuscript for publication as well as compiling the index.And I must thank Oxford University Press,helpful in everything as always,and in particular my editor,Susan Ferber,and production editor,Linda Donnelly (not to forget the two anonymous readers for the Press). Last and first I want to thank my wife, Arlene. Contents Introduction 3 1. Prehistory 7 2. Kievan Russia 18 3. Appanage and Muscovite Russia 33 4. The Reign ofPeter the Great 74 5. The Eighteenth Century in Russia after the Death of Peter the Great 88 6. The Reign ofAlexander I,1801–1825 111 7. The Reign ofNicholas I,1825–1855,and the New Intellectual Climate 130 8. Russia from the Death ofNicholas I to the Abdication of Nicholas II,1855–1917 167 9. Soviet Russia,1917–1991 211 Conclusion 231 Notes 237 Index 258 RUSSIAN IDENTITIES Introduction One cannot understand Russia by reason, cannot measure her by a common measure: She is under a special dispensation— One can only believe in Russia. —F.I.Tiutchev,Polnoe sobranie sochinenii When I asked an eminent political scientist during the question period that fol- lowed his lecture on nationalism what he thought ofthe influence ofthe Hundred Years’War on the nationalisms ofEngland and France,he first ascertained that I was speaking of the war that had been fought from 1337 to 1453 a.d. and after that dismissed my question in two words:“Forget it.”1However,he explained later that he had responded as he had not because that war could not have any appreciable impact on those nationalisms but because the present state of scholarship offered no way to establish or trace such an impact reliably.The explanation has its point, and it becomes more convincing as we go further back in time. There is an enormous and ever-growing literature on nationalism as a modern phenomenon,linked usually to the French Revolution,or to the Industrial Revolu- tion,or to German Idealistic philosophy and Romanticism as a whole,or to general education and “the rise ofthe masses,”or to any combination ofthese and still other major recent historical developments. To cite one leading writer on the subject, Ernest Gellner argues roughly as follows:modern economy develops dynamically and irreversibly, the only alternative being collapse, and at a certain stage in its development it needs critical elements of support. These include sufficient size, centralization, discipline, an educated population, and an ideology to tie closely together and inspire all components ofthe economic unit.Nationalism supplies or helps to supply all these needs;and teachers,publicists,writers,professors,philos- ophers,and intellectuals in general serve as its natural and effective agents.Gellner’s scheme,like many others,aims not only to explain nationalism but also to deter- mine its course and pace.2 Predicating nationalism on major recent historical developments has led to another principal characteristic of contemporary scholarship on that subject, namely the emphasis on the artificiality,the constructed nature,ofnationalism.Far from being treated as immemorial,ifnot eternal,and based forever on ethnicity or on some transcendent mission,nationalism has been described as a device applied, 3 4 Introduction both by believers in the nation and by cynics,to bolster capitalism,mobilize society for war,or serve other interests ofrulers and ruling classes.From one point ofview, it is a leading present-day example of false consciousness. Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities captures in its very title this phenomenon.3 And indeed, much thorough and convincing scholarship has gone into demonstrating how intellectuals have built,or at least helpedtobuild,modern nations and nationalism. In my case,I got to see the process ofnationalism in the making through my friend the late Dr.Sulo Haltsonen,who was secretary of the Finnish Literary Society,the society that, in a sense, made Finland. It was fascinating to observe the still- continuing process of the shaping of the national language itself, from several dialects,and the relationship that Finno-Ugric linguistics established between the Finns and other peoples from Lapland to Hungary and Siberia.One could easily think ofsimilar developments among certain nationalities ofthe Hapsburg empire or some Balkan peoples a century or so earlier.While the constructed nature of modern nationalism can be seen most clearly in the case ofnew countries,such as Finland or Latvia,the process ofconstruction is,ofcourse,by no means limited to them.Thus,Eugen Weber in his splendid book,Peasants into Frenchman: The Mod- ernization ofRural France,1870–1914,4gives a striking presentation ofthe workings of that process in France, especially by means of general education, compulsory military service,and improvement oftransportation and communication. Recent scholarship has done much to elucidate nationalism; but some serious problems remain.The most important and troublesome ofthem,in my opinion,is the relationship between nationalism and the “prenationalist”past.There is no sat- isfactory terminology. “Prenationalist,” or “protonationalist,” has a teleological direction,which is not really warranted.Instead I shall often refer to “identity,”but that is a general and flexible term,which can also be applied to nationalism itself. Even ifwe accept in the main the modern view ofnationalism,we have to recognize that nationalism in each case descended upon not a tabula rasa,but a society with a past.Moreover,the descent usually took many years,decades,even centuries,with most ofthe people in question still belonging most ofthe time to the old world. But it is not only continuity and completeness that urge attention to the prena- tionalist past.Substantively,too,what happened long ago can be significant,even decisive,today.For example,ifI were to name the single historical event most sig- nificant for Russian identity and Russian nationalism, I would propose not Napoleon’s invasion ofRussia in 1812,not Stalin’s turn to a limited and strictly con- trolled nationalism in the late 1930s,not even the emancipation ofthe serfs in 1861, but the so-called baptism of the Rus in 988. Without that baptism, Russia (and Ukraine and Belarus too) might have been at present a Muslim state, with an entirely different history,identity,and nationalism.With the baptism,Orthodoxy became a central element in Russian history and culture,whether in the days ofthe Kievan princes,ofthe quasi-medieval appanage Russia,ofthe Orthodox tsardom of Muscovy,ofthe Orthodox empire ofthe Romanovs,or even,as the enemy,during Introduction 5 the communist regime,which tried desperately but failed to eradicate it.Indeed, one must keep both the old and the new history in mind for a full understanding of nationalism.If,at one extreme,France today,with its rich historical past,can never- theless be interpreted by Weber and numerous other specialists largely in strikingly modern terms,at the other extreme,Finland,which appeared as a state as late as 1917,remains inconceivable without the Finnish language;and language is old and never a tabula rasa. The obstacles and difficulties in studying Russian identity and Russian national- ism are many.Prehistory is essentially an area of speculation,with no clear struc- ture,few reliable sources,and grave dangers lurking in arguments by interpolation or analogy.Even such a monumental factor as the struggle with the steppe peoples escapes precise evaluation.The baptism ofthe Rus in 988did provide a new Chris- tian identity and brought the Rus into the mainstream ofChristian religion and cul- ture.Yet it remains an open question how many Rus,how quickly,and how fully, joined that mainstream or even its rivulets.In Russia,as in the West,for centuries monks served as the main and usually only informers.Whereas the appanage period after the fall of Kiev reminds one of the inchoate early European Middle Ages,a greater organization and cohesion were achieved around Moscow in the fifteenth, sixteenth,and seventeenth centuries.Indeed,some scholars write ofthe integrated society and organic culture ofthe Muscovite tsardom.But this integration was bro- ken by the separation ofthe Old Believers from the official church in 1666,and at the end ofthe century by the beginning ofPeter the Great’s reforms.After the relative success ofthese reforms and the Russian turn westward in general,the society came to be divided sharply into a small,gradually Westernizing educated class and the overwhelmingly peasant masses.The educated proceeded to participate,often cre- atively,in the entire range of cultural and intellectual life of Europe,including the increasingly prominent issue ofnationalism.The ignorant remained offstage.As the empire ofthe Romanovs expanded,more and more non-Russians became subjects of the tsar.When World War I broke out in the summer of 1914,Russians proper, that is,Great Russians,formed only about halfofthe population ofthe state,with another quarter belonging to the Ukrainian or Belarus ethnicities. Still, Russian nationalism was growing, and it was finally acquiring some mass support. The emancipation ofthe serfs in 1861and the other “great reforms”ofAlexander II cer- tainly contributed to the process.The factors that Weber analyzed in France were also operating in Russia.Most important was perhaps the increase in general edu- cation,already considerable in reality and sweeping in prospect.The revolution of 1905 was followed by a constitutional,or a quasi-constitutional,period.If Russia entered World War I as still essentially an old regime,it was not likely to remain in that condition for long.But events took a different turn.The empire collapsed in 1917 and ceded its place not to a modern national state,but,in short order if not immediately,to a communist entity that eventually adopted the name ofthe Union ofSoviet Socialist Republics.Although there is no agreement on the subject,it is safe 6 Introduction tosay,to put it mildly,that the seventy-five years ofcommunist rule represented a departure and a deviation in the history ofRussian identity and nationalism.Since 1991,the earlier orientation has been able to resume its course.But what it is at pres- ent and where it will lead is highly controversial and unpredictable.Observers seem to agree only on the assertion that this is a transitional period. This study is not meant simply as an introduction to modern Russian national- ism but rather constitutes an attempt to depict the different meanings of being Russian in terms of their nature and significance in their own time and place.In muchofmy narrative,I relied on my history ofRussia and occasionally on my other books,such as those on the Slavophiles,on Official Nationality,or on the image of Peter the Great in Russian history and thought.All ofthem have bibliographies.5 Why write this book? History is about the past,a thousand years ago or yester- day,but not about tomorrow.The past has a value in itself for all human beings interested in humanity and human destiny.Yet it also exists,and sometimes very prominently, as part of the present-day world. The question of Rus, Russia, the Russian identity is a fascinating example ofthat continuous and changeable histor- ical existence,for it covers a huge territory,many centuries,and different political, social,and economic structures.I have tried to present my account broadly,empha- sizing such main features as the struggle against the steppe peoples, Orthodox Christianity, autocratic monarchy, westernization, and the Soviet era and its col- lapse.I even included prehistory,where my information is entirely secondhand and where I am skeptical of speculation.But this area of study attracts some scholars determined to pursue the issue ofidentity as far back as possible and who,perhaps, may serve as a counterbalance to other searchers who start, say, with the French Revolution. I stop only with today, when all of us should attempt ourselves to understand Russia.After a lifetime ofstudy ofdifferent aspects and periods ofRuss- ian identity,I am now trying to obtain a complete,ifsummary,picture. 1 Prehistory The history ofthe Medes is dark and unknown. —Dmitri Ivanovich Ilovaisky How far back in time can one trace group identity? Most of our classifications of prehistoric peoples are based on linguistics and on archaeology.1Inlinguistic terms, the Russians are identified as East Slavs,that is,speakers ofEast Slavic,which even- tually evolved into three distinct languages:Great Russian,often called simply Russ- ian;Ukrainian;and White Russian,or Belorussian (Belarus).Other branches ofthe Slavic languages are the West Slavic, including Polish and Czech, and the South Slavic,represented,for instance,by Serbo-Croatian and Bulgarian.The Slavic lan- guages, in turn, form a subdivision of the Indo-European language family that includes most ofthe tongues spoken today in Europe and some used in Asia. Toexplain the relatedness ofthe languages within a family and the much closer relationship of the languages of the same subfamily, scholars have postulated an original language and homeland for each family and later languages and homelands for different linguistic subfamilies before further separation and differentiation. The Slavs, who became distinct from other Indo-European speakers around the middle ofthe second millennium b.c.,were usually assigned a common homeland in the general area of the valley of the Vistula and the northern slopes of the Carpathians.The split among the Slavs has been dated,by A.A.Shakhmatov and others,to the sixth century a.d.,and the settlement by the East Slavs of the great plain ofEuropean Russia to the seventh,eighth,and ninth centuries. Recent scholarship has subjected the theory of original languages and home- lands to a searching criticism.At present,few scholars speak with any confidence about the historical homeland ofthe Indo-Europeans,and some reject it even as a theoretical concept.The location and the chronology of the Slavic homeland have also been thoroughly questioned.The reevaluation has been largely instigated by discoveries ofthe presence ofthe Slavs at a much earlier time and over a much larger area in Russia than had been traditionally supposed.In light ofnew evidence,cer- tain scholars have redefined the original Slavic homeland, and even the original Indo-European homeland,as including parts ofRussia.Others have postulated an 7

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