New Institutions for Participatory Democracy in Latin America: Voice and Consequence PDF
Preview New Institutions for Participatory Democracy in Latin America: Voice and Consequence
New Institutions for Participatory Democracy in Latin America New Institutions for Participatory Democracy in Latin America Voice and Consequence EditedbyMaxwellA.Cameron,EricHershberg, andKennethE.Sharpe newinstitutionsforparticipatorydemocracyinlatinamerica Copyright©MaxwellA.Cameron,EricHershberg, andKennethE.Sharpe,2012. Softcoverreprintofthehardcover1stedition2012978-1-137-27057-3 Allrightsreserved. Firstpublishedin2012by PALGRAVEMACMILLAN® intheUnitedStates—adivisionofSt.Martin’sPressLLC, 175FifthAvenue,NewYork,NY10010. WherethisbookisdistributedintheUK,EuropeandtherestoftheWorld, thisisbyPalgraveMacmillan,adivisionofMacmillanPublishersLimited, registeredinEngland,companynumber785998,ofHoundmills, Basingstoke,HampshireRG216XS. PalgraveMacmillanistheglobalacademicimprintoftheabove companiesandhascompaniesandrepresentativesthroughouttheworld. Palgrave®andMacmillan®areregisteredtrademarksintheUnited States,theUnitedKingdom,Europeandothercountries. ISBN978-1-349-44439-7 ISBN978-1-137-27058-0(eBook) DOI10.1057/9781137270580 TranslationsofChapters2,3,7,and9copyright©JudyRein,2012. LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationDataisavailablefromthe LibraryofCongress. AcataloguerecordofthebookisavailablefromtheBritishLibrary. DesignbyIntegraSoftwareServices Firstedition:November2012 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Contents ListofFigures,Graphs,andTables vii Foreword ix MarkE.Warren Acknowledgments xiii 1 VoiceandConsequence:DirectParticipationandDemocracy inLatinAmerica 1 MaxwellA.Cameron,EricHershberg,andKennethE.Sharpe 2 “We’reEitherBurnedorFrozenOut”:Societyand PartySystemsinLatinAmericanMunicipal DevelopmentCouncils(Nicaragua,Venezuela,Mexico,and Brazil) 21 GiselaZaremberg 3 ParticipationasRepresentation:DemocraticPolicymaking inBrazil 53 ThamyPogrebinschi 4 ConstrainedParticipation:TheImpactofConsultative CouncilsonNational-LevelPolicyinMexico 75 FelipeJ.HeviadelaJaraandErnestoIsunzaVera 5 LearningtoBe“BetterDemocrats”?TheRoleof InformalPracticesinBrazilianParticipatoryBudgeting Experiences 99 FrançoiseMontambeault 6 ThePossibilitiesandLimitsofPoliticizedParticipation: CommunityCouncils,Coproduction,andPoderPopular inChávez’sVenezuela 123 MichaelM.McCarthy 7 DirectDemocracyinUruguayandVenezuela:NewVoices, OldPractices 149 AliciaLissidini vi ● Contents 8 ParticipationandRepresentationinOaxaca,Mexico’s CustomaryLawElections:NormativeDebatesandLessons forLatinAmericanMulticulturalism 181 ToddA.EisenstadtandJenniferYelle 9 ElusiveDemodiversityinBolivia:BetweenRepresentation, Participation,andSelf-Government 207 JoséLuisExeniRodríguez 10 InstitutionalizedVoiceinLatinAmericanDemocracies 231 MaxwellA.CameronandKennethE.Sharpe ListofContributors 251 Index 253 Figures, Graphs, and Tables Figures 2.1 NetworksforGPC,Dipilto,Nicaragua 35 2.2 NetworksforConsejosdeDesarrolloRuralSustentable Municipal(CDRSM),SanJuanÑumí,Oaxaca,Mexico 38 2.3 NetworksforConsejoComunal,LaCañada,Zulia, Venezuela 41 2.4 NetworksforConselhosdoDesenvolvimentoMunicipal, Queimadas,Bahia,Brazil 43 3.1 Theprocessofdeliberation 60 10.1 ParticipationandrepresentationinLatinAmerica 243 Graphs 3.1 Distributionbygovernments(1988–2010) 56 3.2 Introductionofpolicyissuesbygovernment(Before 1988–2010) 57 3.3 Presidentialdecreesonminorityandhumanrightsissues (2003–2010) 67 5.1 Exampleofparticipatorybudgetingcycle 102 7.1 DirectdemocracyinUruguay(1917–2009) 152 Tables 2.1 PrincipalemploymentofmembersoftheCC,Zulia 31 2.2 Analyticalsummaryofcases 32 2.3 Typeofconnectionbetweensociety(civilor“popular”) andpartiesatlocallevels 34 2.4 Scoresforcentrality,Dipilto,Nicaragua 37 2.5 Scoresforcentrality,SanJuanÑumí,Oaxaca 39 2.6 Scoresforcentrality,LaCañada,Zulia 41 viii ● ListofFigures,Graphs,andTables 2.7 Scoresforcentrality,Queimadas,Bahia,Sisalregion 44 3.1 Policyareasandissuesdeliberatedinthenational conferencesbetween1988and2010 58 4.1 Criteriaformemberselection 89 7.1 DirectdemocracyinVenezuelaandUruguay 150 7.2 DirectdemocracyinUruguay(1989–2009) 157 7.3 DirectdemocracyinVenezuela(1999–2009) 164 7.4 Presidentialelections,electoralsupport,andabstention inVenezuela(1958–2006) 165 8.1 ParticipationinUCmunicipalitycustomarygovernance institutionsasmeasuredin2008 184 9.1 Bolivia:Modelofthestateintheconstitutionsof1967 and2009 209 9.2 Bolivia:Principledexpansionofdemocracy 211 9.3 Bolivia:Assemblymembersbelongingtoindigenous groupsofruralorigin 217 9.4 Bolivia:Referendaforautonomousindigenous communities 218 Foreword Mark E. Warren Over the last three decades, the world has entered into a new phase in the developmentofdemocracy.Thefactthatsomanycountrieshavetransitioned tochoosingpoliticalelitesthroughcompetitiveelectionsishugelyimportant tothecauseofdemocracy.Buttherehasbeenanotherhugeshiftaswell:we areenteringanewphaseofexperimentationwithparticipatorygovernance, involvingavarietyofwaysofdirectlyengagingcitizenswithgovernment.The trend affects almost every country, across many kinds of political systems, fromCanadatoChina,GermanytoJapan,andfromIndiatoBrazil.Ifthere isabroadexplanationforthisshift,itisthatthemorefamiliarwaysinwhich governmentsgeneratelegitimacy—elections,ideology,personalcharisma,or economic performance—are increasingly inadequate to governing complex societies. Governments have broad platforms, purposes, and agendas. But governing is specific, policy focused, and particular in its effects, so that the people affected by any particular act of governing are likely to be dif- ferentfromthosewhosupportagovernmentmoregenerally,andmuchmore intenselyinterestedinresults.Moreovertheircapacitiestoforcetheattentive- nessofgovernmentsareincreasing.Inanerainwhichgovernmentsareless likely to have a monopoly over citizens’ livelihoods, information flows ever morefreelyandnongovernmentalorganizationsareincreasinglyubiquitous. Citizens have more capacities to frustrate governance as usual. Increasingly, governmentsrespondwithnewformsofcitizenparticipation. But the variety of purposes, locations, institutional designs, norms, and effectiveness of participatory responses is almost endless. Political scientists face an enormous challenge in simply describing this new landscape, let alone assessing whether democracy is helped or hindered. Nowhere is this truer than in Latin America, the focus of this book. While virtually all of LatinAmerica’sgovernmentshavefunctioningelectoralsystems,theirdemo- cratic performance ranges from the exceptionally poor (as in several of the x ● Foreword Central American countries) to pretty good (Chile, followed by Uruguay). So we would expect participatory innovations to have quite different kinds of political functions and niches. Some new kinds of participation, such as the national conferences in Brazil, integrate broadly representative citizen inputdirectlyintonationallegislativeandadministrativeprocesses,probably increasingtheinclusiveness,representativeness,andresponsivenessofpolicy- makingprocesses.Otherformsofparticipation,suchasBolivia’sautonomous self-governing indigenous communities, most certainly compete with elec- toralrepresentation,andprobablyexist(inpart)becauseelectoralinstitutions produce very little democratic responsiveness to these communities. Still other new forms of participation may actually strengthen autocracy. For example,Venezuela’scommunitycouncils,mayservetostrengthenChávez’s autocratic powers relative to constitutionally established institutions. That said,theymayalsogeneratecitizenshipcapabilitiesthatmay,atsomepoint, exceedChávez’sabilitytocontrolthem. Thisbookrepresentsanimportantandsophisticatedstepforwardinthis mapping and assessing of participatory innovations in Latin America. The editors and authors have chosen a theoretically driven, empirically attentive approachtothisenormousvarietyofnewforms.Theapproachinvolvesthree importantmoves.Thefirstistovieweachparticipatoryinnovationwithinits context,aspartofasystemofinstitutions.Thus,itmakeslittlesensetoview a similar institutional form—say, community councils of various kinds— outsideofitsfunctionwithinabroaderecologyofinstitutions.Mechanisms of direct participation may serve one kind of function in Venezuela (pro- vidingabasisofsupportforChávez),andquiteanotherinBrazil(extending universalhealthcare).Thesecondmoveistoabstractdemocraticnormsfrom any particular institutional form. The contributors to this book understand that“democracy”is,normativelyspeaking,acompositeconcept.Itinvolves, attheveryleast,normsofinclusion,representation,responsiveness,account- ability, and citizen education. It may involve institutions and practices that disruptclientelism,enableindigenousnormsofjustice,orprovidemorelegit- imacy for existing institutions. These norms may be enhanced in one or moredimensions—say,byimprovingresponsivenessandaccountability.But they may sometimes trade off, as when increased opportunities for partici- pation strengthen clientelistic relationships. Nor is there any necessity that new forms of participation will strengthen any norm of democracy at all: newformsofparticipationmay,sometimes,beusedprimarilybythosewho are already well organized and well resourced; they may enable new forms of clientelism; they may strengthen autocracy. The third move, then, is to ask how each particular innovation functions within its context, measuring its functions against the several norms of democracy, in such a way that it
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