MONEY IN THEIR OWN NAME: THE FEMINIST VOICE IN POVERTY DEBATE IN CANADA, 1970-1995 In Money in Their Own Name, Wendy McKeen examines the relationship between gender and social policy in Canada from the 1970s to the 1990s. Providing a detailed historical account of the shaping of feminist politics within the field of federal child benefits programs in Canada, she explores the critical issue of why the feminist vision of the 'social individual' failed to flourish. Canadian social policy has established women's access to social benefits on the basis of their status as wives or mothers, not as individuals in their own right. In her analysis, McKeen discusses this persistent familialism that has been written and rewritten into Canadian social policy, and shows how this approach reinforces women's dependency. She further demonstrates the lack of contest by the women's movement toward this dependent status, and the consequent erasure of women from social policy. McKeen effectively weaves together sociological theory with concrete ex- amples of political struggle. She uncovers overlooked aspects of Canadian so- cial policy politics and subsequently extends our understanding of the political process. At the same time, by synthesizing the concepts of discourse, agency, and policy community, she offers a new analytical tool for understanding how the political interests of actors are shaped. (Studies in Comparative Political Economy and Public Policy) WENDY E. MCKEEN is an assistant professor at the Maritime School of Social Work at Dalhousie University. Studies in Comparative Political Economy and Public Pollicy Editors: MICHAEL HOWLETT, DAVID LAYCOCK, STEPHEN MCBRIDE, Simon Fraser University. Studies in Comparative Political Economy and Public Policy is designed to showcase innovative approaches to political economy and public policy from a comparative perspective. While originating in Canada, the series will provide attractive offerings to a wide international audience, featuring studies with local, subnational, cross-national, and international empirical bases and theoretical frameworks. Editorial Advisory Board COLIN BENNETT, University of Victoria WILLIAM CARROLL, University of Victoria WILLIAM COLEMAN, McMaster University BARRY EICHENGREEN, University of California (Berkeley) JANE JENSON, Universite de Montreal RIANNE MAHON, Carleton University LARS OSBERG, Dalhousie University JAMIE PECK, Manchester University JOHN RAVENHILL, University of Edinburgh ROBERT RUSSELL, University of Saskatchewan GRACE SKOGSTAD, University of Toronto RAND SMITH, Lake Forest College KENT WEAVER, Brookings Institution For a list of books published in the series, see p. 169. Money in Their Own Name The Feminist Voice in Poverty Debate in Canada, 1970-1995 Wendy McKeen UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London www.utppublishing.com University of Toronto Press Incorporated 2004 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-8544-X Printed on acid-free paper National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication McKeen, Wendy, 1954- Money in their own name : the feminist voice in poverty debate in Canada, 1970-1995 / Wendy McKeen. (Studies in comparative political economy and public policy) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8020-8544-X 1. Women - Government policy - Canada. 2. Canada - Social policy. 3. Poverty - Canada. 4. Feminism - Canada. 5. Women - Canada - Social conditions. 6. Women - Canada - Economic conditions. I. Title. II. Series. HQ1236.5.C2M325 2003 362.83'0971 C2003-902487-3 This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly Publications Programme, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP). Contents Preface vii Introduction 3 1 Solutions for Women-Friendly Social Policy: The Radical Potential of Individualized Entitlement 9 2 Understanding How the Interests of New Political Actors Are Shaped: Discourse, Agency, and 'Policy Community' 20 3 The Mainstream Poverty Debate in the 1960s and the Emergence of a Feminist Alternative 30 4 Feminism, Poverty Discourse, and the Child Benefits Debate of the Mid- to Late 1970s: 'Writing Women In' 51 5 Feminism and the Tory Child Benefits Debate of the Early to Mid-1980s: Money in Their Own Name? 67 6 Feminism and Child Poverty Discourse in the Late 1980s to Mid-1990s: 'Writing Women Out' 89 7 Conclusions: Implications for Current Struggles for Women-Friendly Social Policy 108 Appendix: List of Interviews 123 vi Contents Notes 125 References 141 Index 165 Preface Canadian social policy is deeply biased in a way that detrimentally affects women, especially vulnerable groups of women, in their day-to- day lives, and this policy is working against any possibility for real gender equality. The problem is not explicit discrimination, as was previously the case, but that governments continue to ignore the issue of social reproduction and the bulk of unpaid care work carried out primarily by women. As feminists have argued, there is a major dis- juncture between the economic system and the social policy system: we have a dual-breadwinner economic system harnessed to a single-bread- winner social policy system, and it is disproportionately women who are paying the price in terms of higher rates of poverty and growing stress levels. Under neo-liberalism, moreover, the social policy system has moved even further from recognizing social reproduction and the contribution of unpaid work to our society. Official policy has backed away from the blanket assumption that all women are dependents (i.e., are mothers and housewives) to adopt the equally damaging view that social context and social difference does not matter at all. Thus, single mothers on social assistance are being exhorted to enter the workforce, with little acknowledgment of, or real help with, their home and child care responsibilities. Social policy is also being refamilialized in many areas: for example, entitlement to child benefits and some aspects of Employment Insurance benefits are now based on total household as opposed to individual income. As feminists have identified, such crite- ria disproportionately disqualify women from benefits and reinforce the long-term cycle of their poverty (e.g., see Phipps et al., 2001). All of this has occurred as governments have abandoned a universalistic approach and embraced a more targeted and punitive one that places viii Preface increasing amounts of responsibility on individuals and families for defending themselves against poverty and other social risks. Women's prospects for equality, then, continue to decline as growing numbers of them face the desperation of a life of juggling low-wage, contingent paid work with a growing burden of unpaid care and domestic work at home. This book contributes to a recognition that these developments were not accidental - that they were, in fact, the result of complex and subtle processes that occurred largely between the mid-1970s and mid-1990s, in which both neo-liberal ideas prevailed, and radical, women-friendly alternatives were successfully resisted. I argue in this book that the second-wave women's movement did advance an alternative vision for social policy in the mid-1970s that was sophisticated and went right to the heart of the matter: the failure of state policy to recognize the social context of individual lives. The campaign ultimately failed to flourish, however, and this book is mainly concerned with understanding its defeat. While macro-level influences such as social and economic changes and the rise of neo-liberalism were critical, I highlight the constraining effects that the 'social policy community' had in shaping 'women's interests' in the field of federal social policy. This book is important for two reasons. First, the alternative 'social individual' model for social policy that feminists advanced was a sig- nificant and far-reaching vision for change - one that still needs to be pursued if we are to solve issues of gender and other forms of inequal- ity and work towards a more humane, solidaristic model for society. Second, this story has important lessons for understanding the politics of social policy in Canada more generally. Indeed, this book provides a concrete illustration of a position that is increasingly advanced within political studies - that the strategies and orientations of even mar- ginalized political actors also count in shaping political debate and moving the agenda forward in particular directions. One of the find- ings of this study is that a wide range of organizations and social forces (most notably, left-liberal social policy and anti-poverty organizations) participated in shaping the parameters of the social reform process in ways that were readily incorporated into the emergent neo-liberal so- cial policy regime, with its emphasis on targeting and its reassertion of a male-centred, familialist approach. In this new neo-liberal social policy landscape, gender issues and women's concerns have slipped from view, while in their stead stand 'Canadian children,' somehow stripped of their family connections and the gender relations they embody. 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