ERIC ED412048: Women of Color in Experiential Education: Crossing Cultural Boundaries.

17 Pages·1996·0.35 MB·English

by  ERIC

DOCUMENT RESUME
RC 021 169
ED 412 048
Roberts, Nina
AUTHOR
Women of Color in Experiential Education: Crossing Cultural
TITLE
Boundaries.
PUB DATE
1996-00-00
16p.; In: Women's Voices in Experiential Education; see RC
NOTE
021 160.
Opinion Papers (120)
Information Analyses (070)
PUB TYPE
MF01/PC01 Plus Postage.
EDRS PRICE
Adventure Education; Cultural Differences; Empowerment;
DESCRIPTORS
Experiential Learning; *Females; Feminism; *Minority Groups;
*Outdoor Education; Participation; Racial Attitudes; *Racial
Bias; *Sex Bias
*Barriers to Participation; Outdoor Leadership
IDENTIFIERS
ABSTRACT
Outdoor adventure is stereotyped as a White, male activity.
Women who participate are going against the stereotype of outdoor activities
as a male domain, but women of color additionally confront the domain of
race. Constraints on women generally include socialization into an ethic of
care, concern for physical and psychological safety, and lack of skills and
opportunities. For women of color, prejudice and marginality accentuate any
injustice or inequality. Cultural behaviors, women's roles, and constraints
peculiar to African American, Native American, and Mexican American women are
reviewed, and implications for their participation in outdoor education are
discussed. Interviews with three women--one African American, one Chinese
American, and one Chicana with Navajo ancestry--concerning leadership, gender
issues, and experiences of outdoor adventure participation revealed differing
perspectives. However, all interviewees felt that encouraging more women of
color to be role models, such as mentors in internships, and involving school
systems could increase participation rates and racial and ethnic diversity in
professional leadership. Women of color felt that the fact that feminism is
led by upper-class White women hurts the cause. Because social power has been
denied to women of color, they must learn how to use power when in positions
of leadership. Many feminists speak of power-with, rather than power-over.
Designing outdoor programs that build cultural connections and offer a
spiritual connection with nature is discussed, as are the different effects
racism has on different people of color. Contains 25 references.
(TD)
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20
Education:
Women of Color in Experiential
Crossing Cultural Boundaries
Nina Roberts
An Overview
outdoor experience of
There is a need to be expansive in our thinking about the
been greatly shaped by
diverse people in this society. Race and ethnic relations have
cultural ideologies,
historical perspectives, political correctness, social construction,
describe a connection of race
and power structure. The intent of this chapter is to
and recreation in
and ethnicity to women's involvement in experiential education
literature, I will discuss
the outdoors. Incorporating what has been found in the
spirituality, and leadership. It is
issues of empowerment, difference, socialization,
leaders, make up a very
well known that people of color, as both participants and
research directed
small percentage of those involved in experiential education. Any
of our usual categories of analysis.
at why this is so will require a radical expansion
particular, quite
Discussion of the outdoor adventure experiences of women in
how ethnic back-
often neglects experiences of women of color. Little is known about
the outdoors. It is
ground affects the quality and quantity of their experiences in
all women, but to
therefore critical to understand not only the outdoor experience of
individu-
acknowledge and ascertain how race and ethnic relations shape each of us
ally as well.
about all women as a
Just as we (as professionals) cannot make generalizations
of color, since this
single group, we also cannot make generalizations about women
racial, ethnic, and national origin back-
group includes women from numerous
global scale,
grounds. Subsequently, although people of color are not a minority on a
European Americans
this chapter refers to the dominant culture as it relates to
the terms people of
within U.S. society. Aguilar and Washington (1990) differentiate
color, race, and ethnicity as follows:
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION
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226
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official OERI position or policy.
227
Cultural Boundaries
Women of Color in Experiential Education: Crossing
racial groups that
The term people of color is used to refer to ethnic and
color
have previously been referred to as minorities. Race is used to refer to
physical
(i.e., black, white, red, yellow) and makes distinctions primarily on
heri-
characteristics. Ethnicity refers to affiliation with a social group due to
tage or nationality (p. 50)
often ascribed by
Aguilar and Washington (1990) state that "while ethnicity is
chooses to embrace their ethnic back-
others, we should consider that not everyone
her/his ethnicity. Race, however,
grounds. Thus, one may choose to identify or reject
flexibility" (p. 50). Additionally, rather than main-
does not generally allow the same
political conventions, some ethnic groups experi-
tain distinct social, economic, and
assimilation into mainstream society. How, then, can minority groups
ence a cultural
losing traditional cultural values?
have cross-cultural experience without
Socialization Research
looking at the socioeco-
Socialization experiences research primarily involves
Thornton-Dill, 1994; Floyd &
nomic conditions of women of color (Baca-Zinn &
situated on the continuum of the eco-
Gramann, 1993). Where minority women are
of the experience they have.
nomic ladder really conditions the quality and quantity
traditions, values), rather than
However, it is the cultural variables (e.g., language,
in understanding and explain-
the socioeconomic factors, which are more important
(Floyd & Gramann, 1993). Through my
ing differences in participation patterns
of color pertaining to partici-
research, I've learned that the socialization of women
been different from that of European
pation in outdoor recreational activities has
affect the outdoor experiences of
American women. Social forces of race often
with other social forces that affect all women (i.e., gen-
women of color. Combined
such as lack of funds, lack
der, class, sexual orientation, employment) are conditions
of distrust for others (Hall, in
of knowledge or understanding, and strong feelings
of color than for European
Ashley, 1990), that have been more of a barrier for women
American women.
often because certain
Women of color may not be aware of the opportunities
acceptable forms of recreation (Carr &
activities have not been considered socially
1990). For instance, while a
Williams, 1993; Roberts & Drogin, 1993; Washington,
backpacking, an African Amer-
European American woman might enjoy wilderness
she feels more comfortable in close
ican might prefer a walk in the park because
large number of people and provi-
proximity to a more "civilized" environment (i.e.,
sion of facilities).
ignore realities of
Further, to ignore the racial and gender classifications, is to
participation in outdoor
multiple social identities. Women of color are aware that
white, male activity.
adventures has traditionally been primarily stereotyped as a
of color, in general, has
Although difficult to ascertain, the socialization of women
For instance, it is
been exclusive of opportunities for outdoor adventure experience.
228 WOMEN'S VOICES IN EXPERIENTIAL EDUCATION
essential for white women and women of color to know that women in general are
going against the stereotype of outdoor activities as a male domain. However, while
white women are going against the concept of gender, women of color additionally
confront the domain of race.
Constraints to Participation
While research about the experience of women and the experience of people of
color exists, the full range of opportunities and experience for women of color in
experiential education has yet to be addressed. Various limiting factors may affect
participation. Media images and marketing for experiential programs, for instance,
quite often omit women of color. A cultural lag exists between the media's presenta-
tion of women of diverse ethnic backgrounds and their changing rate of participa-
tion in outdoor activities.
The few images which portray women as attractive, glamorous, and possessing
strong European features may discourage women of color. That is, the message
received in such instances is that attractiveness, success, and popularity are basically
unattainable for females of color (Boyd, 1990). Furthermore, Kane and Parks (1990),
from their examination of Sports Illustrated, indicate that males receive significantly
more comments than females. Findings from this study suggest that men's sports
are more important than women's sports due to the dominant ratings and greater
coverage in all aspects, including athletic ability "If women internalize this message,
they may believe that their abilities as serious athletes are not valued" (p. 47).
Given the power of the media to influence one's behavior, it becomes difficult to
make participation decisions also based on photographs in brochures, for instance, if
none depict women of color. "If there are no women like me in these pictures of out-
door activities, why should I participate?" is a question sometimes asked (Roberts,
1992).
Bialeschki and Henderson (1993) have been in the forefront of research pertain-
ing to women in recreation, outdoor pursuits, and the constraints to participation
which they face. Although living in a more progressive society where women's roles
have changed drastically during the last 50 years, the constraints on women's
involvement in outdoor activities persists and is undeniably linked to issues of gen-
der. "Some women may not participate in certain activities because of the perceived
gender appropriateness of them. In other cases, the roles expected of women will
result in their being directed into particular roles" (p. 38). It is important to note that
Bialeschki and Henderson's investigation of women's participation in the outdoors
has focused on European American women. Not to say their discourse ignores
women of color,
but it's no different than other researchers' analyses of people of
color in the outdoorswhich is quite minimal. A significant point I want to note is
participation for women of color has limitations in the greater society as well.
that
Baca-Zinn and Thornton-Dill (1994) suggest that restricted participation in social
229
Education: Crossing Cultural Boundaries
Women of Color in Experiential
distinct
placement in roles with limited opportunities are
institutions and structured
and class dom-
the lives of women of color. Racial oppression
constraining factors in
(p. 5).
limit possibilities, and constrain choices
ination create barriers,
Bialeschki and Henderson (1993) discuss include
Other constraints which
before their own),
ethic of care (placing others' needs
women's socialization into an
of skills and opportunities (i.e.,
(physical and psychological), and lack
safety issues
of color, added
limited by time and money). For women
continuum of choices
and marginality accentuate any
either noticeable or covert prejudice
stresses of
& Thornton-Dill, 1994;
that they may experience (Baca-Zinn
injustice, or inequality,
Brewer, 1990).
Locke, 1992; Albrecht &
Related to the Outdoors
Defining the Cultural Experience as
and
experiences of culturally different groups
How and why have the outdoor
and why have the
and different from one another? How
subgroups been similar to
different from
different groups been similar to and
outdoor experiences of culturally
it is impor-
better understand a particular cultural group,
the dominant culture? To
but to also foster an
study information about the specific groups,
tant to not only
of individual experience.
appreciation of the wide diversity
understand "priv-
of the model minority" is to
Further, to understand the "myth
of the
of a minority group accept cultural patterns
ilege." That is, some members
and customs of
and sacrifice the traditional values
dominant group (acculturation)
"make waves"
of achieving recognition so as not to
their own culture. This is a way
other acts of violence toward ethnic minor-
(which historically has led to lynching or
ideology.
in political and/or religious
ities). Often these myths are rooted
African American Women
those
constraints to participation are similar to
For African American women,
responsibil-
(1993) (i.e., time, money, family
discussed by Bialeschki and Henderson
cultural context. For
be accentuated based on their
ity, lack of opportunity), yet may
socialization
community, an inescapable aspect of
instance, in the African American
from an envi-
family for survival and protect them
and nurturing is to prepare the
"The likeli-
overtly, hostile, racist, and discriminatory.
ronment that is covertly, if not
1992, p. 21). For
eliminating racism is remote" (Locke,
hood of major progress in
too threatening and they
American women, outdoor programs are
many African
from lack of
uncertainty. Reasons for this range
struggle with a fear of failure or
the domi-
fear of judgment by white people, to
knowledge, low self-esteem due to
outdoor-based programs. Support
people as primary participants in
nance of white
similar culture or minority support system may
and participation by others from a
segregation
(Roberts & Drogin, 1993). A history of
ameliorate the problem of safety
the domi-
Americans has separated them from
and discrimination against African
has created a lack
Donald & Rattansi, 1992). This isolation
nant culture (Locke, 1992;
valuable skills in experiential education.
of exposure and inability to gain
5
230 WOMEN'S VOICES IN EXPERIENTIAL
EDUCATION
Roberts and Drogin (1993) looked
at factors affecting participation in
outdoor
recreation activities of African American
women. Primarily based on interviews,
their conclusions were quite similar
to Ashley's concepts developed from
the study
conducted by Hall (in Ashley, 1990). That
is, nonparticipation
can be attributed to
perceptions of race and gender (e.g., socialization
and "appropriateness" of
activi-
ties), lack of role models, lack of
exposure, difficulty accessing wilderness from
urban areas, and, in some instances, economic
conditions.
Native American Women
Ceremonies, rituals, and traditions for Native
American women provide
a spiri-
tual ethic of care that is rich in nonverbal
language. Learning in Native culture
is
often based on listening, watching others,
and experience. Forced from their
sacred
and valuable lands, Native Americans
were stripped of their cultural identity and
relegated to property unwanted by white
people (Locke, 1992). A culture
which
passes on traditions and customs through oral myths and
legends, Native Ameri-
cans both live and learn holistically (p. 51). They believe, for
instance, that children
should be allowed to make mistakes
and learn the natural
consequences of their
mistakes. They develop
an inner motivation to learn by seeking out knowledge
of
human experience (More, 1987).
The Native American family
structure and dynamics assert that the female
is
responsible for and performs the duties
necessary to preserve the "social organiza-
tion." Unlike the dominant culture,
Native Americans traditionally
trace their fam-
ily history through matrilinear
descent. The primary constraint
to participation in
experiential programs
or activities is the dominant culture "forcing Native
Ameri-
cans to live a difficult and impoverished existence"
was the taking
(Locke, p. 48). It
of this landoccupied by Native
Americansby the dominant white culture
which
sent a message that the Native American
culture was inferior (Locke, 1992;
More,
1987). The land that
many European Americans take'for granted
as a means to fulfill
outdoor experiences
may have sacred and spiritual power to Native
Americans.
One of the goals of outdoor adventure
is to feel the experience, explore
the natu-
ral environment, and draw valid
and meaningful conclusions based
on these per-
sonal experiences. Subsequently,
as each individual is a product of their cultural
environment, it can be learned from Native
American culture that respect for
nature
magnifies a self-discovery not obtained
in any other surroundings. The
focus -of
experiential activities is often individual
self-exploration and discovery, and instill-
ing an appreciation for the natural world.
Such programs are truly complementary
to Native American values.
So why are there so few Native
American women participating in
structured
outdoor programs? As stated by
Luther Standing Bear, Oglala Sioux
Chief, "The
American Indian is of the soil, whether
it be the region of forests, plains,
pueblos, or
mesas. He [sic] fits into the landscape
he isic] once
grew as naturally as the wild
.
. .
sunflowers; he [sic] belongs just
as the buffalo belonged
." (Aaron & Borgenicht,
.
1993). In essence, the
message is that "structure" reduces what is
a viable part of life
Women of Color in Experiential Education: Crossing Cultural Boundaries
231
with. Subsequently, from an early age, Native Americans know who they
to begin
and what their heritage is. Being proud to be related to the land is part of the tra-
are
ditional culture. Hepsi Barnett, an Osage Indian, proclaims that Native people could
imagine paying money to go and be out on the land. "In many parts of the
never
the land; it is an everyday thing for them" (per-
country they are already living on
earth and their minds
sonal communication, January 1995). For Native people, the
the measure of the land and the measure of their bodies are the same. Why
are one;
place "structure" to that which is already known and practiced?
Asian American Women
In Asian American culture, women tend to be dependent, conforming, obedient
impulses, and less assertive
to men, inhibited and reserved, less ready to express
(Sue, 1981). Women from this culture emphasize suppression of strong feelings and
the dominant cul-
stress family as well as community over the individual. Unlike
approach time in an unhur-
ture, according to Locke (1992), Asian American women
ried, flexible manner; additionally, moral virtue and showing respect for the elderly
har-
is essential. In the area of social relations, the avoidance of conflict and instilling
culture (Locke, 1992).
mony is valued in the Asian American
Historically, Asians have been unwilling victims of derogatory stereotyping
throughout the United States (Sue, 1981). The first immigrants were all males
because the only females allowed to immigrate were prostitutes. The "success" of
Asian immigrants can be attributed, in part, to their emphasis on education and a
Locke, 1992). Locke (1992) characterized
very strong system of discipline (Sue, 1981;
their success based on a continuation of racist and prejudiced thinking by the domi-
isolated,
nant U.S. culture. In other words, because Asian Americans were socially
this provided the ingredients for them to adjust to inherent problems within the
the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 [was] the only federal
dominant culture (e.g., ".
.
unde-
statute to deny citizenship to an entire people because they were considered
sirable" p. 87). This isolation manifests itself by indicating to individuals in the
Asian culture that they can succeed if they work hard enough; therefore, if one does
fac-
not succeed, it is not because of forces operating in society, but because of other
tors such as racial inferiority (Locke, 1992).
Many Asian American women devote themselves to raising their children while
experiencing a strong push for them to excel academically. Watanabe (1973)
describes the family system as patriarchal; authority of the father remains unques-
tioned. Subservience to males is the female's role in the family, along with perform-
ing domestic duties.
Culturally, Asian Americans place an emphasis on nonverbal communication
and the use of silence as a safe response to uncertain situations (Locke, 1992, p. 74).
All of these points concerning Asian Americans, in general, may be applicable to
Japanese, Korean, or Vietnamese). Implica-
any variety of subcultures (e.g., Chinese,
tions for experiential learning may relate to pursuing a course of cultural enrich-
ment, rather than cultural change. For example, providing a nonthreatening group
EXPERIENTIAL EDUCATION
232 WOMEN'S VOICES IN
participation (i.e., language barriers often cause
climate to encourage more verbal
communication) may enhance the experience.
discomfort and a difficulty with
strict supervision by male family members,
Because women and girls are under very
and independence through experiential pro-
opportunities for increasing confidence
for self-expression oth-
Adventure activities may provide an avenue
grams is great.
erwise suppressed in their culture.
Mexican American Women
steadily, and it is quickly becoming the larg-
The Hispanic population is growing
of Span-
United States. Mexican Americans (a cultural mix
est minority group in the
for 60% of the Hispanic population (Locke, 1992;
ish, Indian, and American) account
Mexicans fought with the Americans in
Donald & Rattansi, 1992). Historically, many
Texas, only to find themselves as foreign-
order to acquire the independent state of
the United
relinquished the Southwestern territories to
ers; the Mexican government
Hidalgo (Locke, 1992). Hence, immigrating
States under the Treaty of Guadalupe
desire for change and opportunity.
from Mexico to the U.S. was based on a strong
culture, Mexican Americans have experienced
By "standards" of the dominant
markedly behind other cultures in the
little social progress; additionally, they are
income, housing, political representation,
total amount of education, occupations,
1992). Many newly emerging Mexican Amer-
and professional identification (Locke,
demand social and political equality.
ican organizations have been formed to
closer to home than males and is pro-
During adolescence, a female remains
with individuals beyond her
tected and guarded whenever she comes in contact
contends that based on relationships with
family (Mirande, 1985). Mirande (1985)
Mexican American female is prepared for
her mother and other female relatives, the
male is given freedom to come and go as
the role of wife and mother. Conversely, a
"worldly" knowledge and experience in
he chooses and is encouraged to obtain
father.
order to prepare for his role as husband and
taught to value being open, frank,
While individuals of the dominant culture are
approach uses a diplomatic and tactful
and direct, the traditional Mexican American
However,
with other people (Mirande, 1985; Locke, 1992).
means of communicating
and attitudes relate to this manner of
interesting and often-misunderstood values
aim to be "elaborate and indirect"
expression. For instance, Mexican Americans
relationship at least appear to be harmoni-
because their goal is to make the personal
individuality "To the Mexican
show some respect for the other's
ous in order to
to be rude and disrespectful"
American, direct argument or contradiction appears
of
be some agreement, yet their manner
(Locke, 1992, p. 40). Superficially, there may
feelings openly unless the two people
expression dictates they ought not reveal true
time to express differences with tact.
know each other well, and if there is sufficient
expressed through the develop-
Implications for experiential education may be
(1992) described the experiential process as a series
ment of relationships. Proudman
to the
the learner to teacher, and the learner
of relationships: the learner to self,
variables involved included the
learning environment. His discussion of the
233
Boundaries
Education: Crossing Cultural
Women of Color in Experiential
and understand-
for self-growth, defining boundaries,
importance of responsibility
individuals have to the
experiences and varying reactions
ing different learning
environment.
same learning
Mexican
the experiential learning medium,
Pertaining to outdoor recreation as
families. Floyd and
in large groups and with extended
Americans tend to participate
of Mexican
analysis of outdoor recreation patterns
Gramann (1993) conducted an
the process of a minority
that the effects of acculturation,
Americans and concluded
pri-
the dominant group (p. 8), were
the cultural characteristics of
group acquiring
which outdoor
of activities were chosen versus
marily expressed in which types
camping, and off-road vehicle use were
visited. For example, fishing, tent
areas were
local river or within a
whether they occurred adjacent to a
activities highly valued;
it was demon-
the opportunity itself. Additionally,
national forest was secondary to
(i.e.,
culturally homogeneous is a fallacy
strated that assuming all ethnic groups are
Mexico, Spanish influ-
born in Mexico, parents born in
U.S.-born Mexican American,
Mexican family type.
Anglo type, there is no one
ence). Just as there is no one
and gen-
socioeconomic status, social class, race,
What role do variables such as
American females
activities in which Mexican
der play in the outdoor recreation
broken down the
supporting research which has
become involved? I have found no
investigation and examine
employ new methods of
variables by gender. We must
of Mexican Ameri-
variables influencing socialization
the various social and cultural
Mexican
Although, within their culture,
into adventure education.
can women
and serve their
be completely devoted to the men
American women are supposed to
opportunity to take initiative, increase
they also ought to be provided an
every need,
in outdoor-
in self-directed learning activities
decision-making skills, and participate
based programs.
Three Case Studies
Perceptions of Participation:
of
leadership, gender issues, experiences
Roberts (1992) elicited perspectives on
solo) from
(with friends, with organized groups, or
outdoor adventure participation
and various regional
of their unique backgrounds
several women of color. Because
personal per-
selected as case studies to provide
representations, three women were
American, and Chicana
African American, Chinese
spectives for this chapter (i.e.,
of color in a
speak from their experiences as women
with Navajo ancestry). They
heard their voices.
field that has historically not
while including a brief
detail of these personal accounts,
In order to convey the
fictitious names
the actual names of these women,
background but not revealing
will be
experiences. The African American woman
have been used to profile their
aide from Arkansas.
31-year-old counselor and teaching
known as "Angela." She's a
The Chinese
and short stories and travel.
Her interests include reading poetry
teacher from Balti-
called "Suyuan," is a 50-year-old
American woman, who shall be
outdoors.
crafts, and travel in the
She enjoys woodworking, sports,
more, Maryland.
9
234 WOMEN'S VOICES IN EXPERIENTIAL EDUCATION
for a Native Ameri-
Lastly, "Evelyn" is a 33-year-old program coordinator working
New Mexico. She is a Chicana woman with Navajo ancestry.
can youth program in
activities, reading, and
Her interests include a variety of cultural activities, outdoor
cooking.
Leadership
These women felt that encouraging more women of color to be role models,
relationships, and greater
restructuring of internships to include distinct mentoring
highlight opportunities for
involvement of the school system (e.g., career days that
nontraditional fields) might contribute to a change in par-
women of color to pursue
diversity in professional lead-
ticipation rates and add to a greater racial and ethnic
ership.
begun to provide an
The outdoor experiential education movement has only just
for minorities. For women of color, the interest in
avenue of leadership opportunities
These
programming, supervising, and directing outdoor activities is growing.
where people of
opportunities may be more community-based and centered in areas
these case
color live (Roberts, 1992). An important aspect shared by the women in
become one of the
studies is for professionals to remember that the outdoors has
self-fulfillment. Professionals in the field should pro-
many ways for women to find
all women share the
vide encouragement, but should also be reminded that not
same passions in life.
Empowerment
for over 15 years,
Denise Mitten (1992), who has worked with women's groups
their
confirms that women have attributed life changes and positive experiences to
and self-
participation in outdoor trips. Personal benefits regarding empowerment
in accord that par-
esteem are overwhelmingly expressed. Angela and Evelyn were
available
ticipation in outdoor activities builds confidence and offers challenges not
personal
anywhere else. Such opportunity, they agreed, provides a spirituality and
did not
time for "getting in balance" with themselves. On the other hand, Suyuan
feel that the outdoors empowers women in particular and that the same empower-
that one thought were too
ment (i.e., meeting physical and/or mental demands
expressed diffi-
much) is the same empowerment that applies to anyone. She also
from the rest
culty in seeing why women of color need to be "so strongly separated"
of the population.
Evelyn and Angela described their source of energy and personal empowerment
heritage, family, religion, and an array of multi-
as it related to knowledge of their
foundation
cultural experiences. Additional comments ranged from finding a strong
enjoy-
and gaining strength and mutual support of women within a community, to
ethnic cultures
ing the simple pleasures of nature. Although Suyuan felt that some
celebrating,
have rituals and customs that can be a powerful means of sharing and
which
she believes that what empowers women of color should be the same .as that
belief in oneself and a
empowers anyone else; that is, "a sense of self and mission, a
10