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230 Pages·2019·1.248 MB·English
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Cities in the Urban Age Cities in the Urban Age A Dissent ROBERT A. BEAUREGARD The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 2018 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission, except in the case of brief quotations in critical articles and reviews. For more infor ma tion, contact the University of Chicago Press, 1427 E. 60th St., Chicago, IL 60637. Published 2018 Printed in the United States of America 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 1 2 3 4 5 ISBN-1 3: 978- 0-2 26-5 3524- 1 (cloth) ISBN-1 3: 978- 0-2 26-5 3538- 8 (paper) ISBN-1 3: 978- 0-2 26-5 3541- 8 (e-b ook) DOI: 10.7208/chicago/[9780226535418].001.0001 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Beauregard, Robert A., author. Title: Cities in the urban age : a dissent / Robert A. Beauregard. Description: Chicago ; London : The University of Chicago Press, 2018. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifi ers: LCCN 2017024308 | ISBN 9780226535241 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780226535388 (pbk. : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780226535418 (e-book) Subjects: LCSH: Cities and towns. | Cities and towns—Social aspects. | Urban economics. | Cities and towns—Political aspects. | Cities and towns—Social aspects—United States. | Cities and towns—Political aspects—United States. Classifi cation: LCC HT151 .B38 2018 | DDC 307.76—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017024308 This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48– 1992 (Permanence of Paper). Contents Preface vii 1 The City 1 2 Wealth, Poverty 22 3 Destructive, Sustainable 56 4 Oligarchic, Democratic 87 5 Intolerant, Tolerant 120 6 Encountering Contradictions 152 Acknowledgments 173 Notes 175 Index 209 Preface With few exceptions, those who currently write and speak about the city do so in celebration. They portray the city as the driving force of national economies—a hinge that connects countries to global fl ows of capital, people, and ideas. The city nurtures innovation, brings forth unlim- ited opportunities to pursue fame and fortune, and, with its high density and large- scale infrastructures, offers the best hope for environmental sustainability. To live in this city is to be surrounded by a vast and rich array of culinary, cultural, and consumer pleasures. There, people from different backgrounds, national origins, and life- styles create a vibrant and a tolerant public realm. And, while some people might choose to live elsewhere, no country can prosper without such cities. At least this is what we are told. One would have to be mean- spirited to deny to those who make this argument their fascination with the city. I, too, am endlessly intrigued and, at times, even in awe. What bothers me, though, is the subtext of progress. The underlying premise is that, over the centuries, the city has become better and better at serving the needs of the planet. Today’s boosters would have us believe that hu- mans have slowly but relentlessly devised a form of h uman settlement that offers security and prosperity while hold- ing forth the possibility of surmounting the mundane demands of everyday life. For such urbanists, the claim that more than one- half of the world’s population now resides in cities is less an empirical observation than a thinly veiled, triumphal boast. National fanaticism, wars, vii PREFACE religious intolerance, and institutionalized corruption might resist all of our efforts to eliminate them, but the city ostensibly exists as the one human achievement that has become increasingly adept at meet- ing our needs. As two well- known policy experts recently wrote: “The metropolis is humanity’s greatest collective act of invention and imagination.” They are not alone in their opinion: the economist Edward Glaeser has declared that cities “enable the collaboration that makes humanity shine most brightly.” More equivocally, but no less enthralled, Nan Rothschild and Diane diZerega, both archaeologists, claim that cities “are arguably the most signifi cant of human inventions.” Such laudatory, even hyperbolic, statements are not only prevalent in the contemporary literature on the city but generally uncontested as well.1 The city, and specifi cally the US city— the topic of this book—w as not always so inviting. In fact, throughout much of its history it has been under the sway of contradictory impulses with prosperity exist- ing alongside impoverishment and tolerance entwined with prejudice and discrimination. In short, the city is not wholly advantageous. As recently as the early twentieth century, its residents were overwhelmed by epidemics, were made ill by contaminated water, lacked basic health care, and had limited access to education. Most people of the time con- demned the city as a pestilence and abomination that signaled the de- cay of civilization, not its realization. The cities’ residents, noted one observer in 1911, “lived in smoke, amid ugly and incongruous build- ings with unattractive highways, often poor and almost always inade- quate, and without suitable parks, park space, trees, and other aesthetic essentials.”2 The city seemed more of a burden than a blessing. In the mid- twentieth century, these same cities— all former manu- facturing centers— entered a period of unrelenting and chronic loss of population and jobs. Soon thereafter, deprived of tax revenues, their local governments began to reduce the public services that had kept the city clean and well maintained and its residents protected from harm. Conditions deteriorated even further when African-A mericans rioted in protest of police brutality and the dismal conditions under which they were forced to live. For some, these years of “urban cri- sis” marked the death of cities and presaged their eventual extinction. The future seemed to lie in less dense forms of human settlement— the mass- produced suburbs in particular. A generalized aversion to c ities — an anti-u rbanism— became part of the national culture in many in- dustrialized countries.3 Yet, a mere fi fty years later, the city has been rescued from this dire fate and has ostensibly become—o nce again—a viii PREFACE symbol of human civilization and a cultural achievement of immense signifi cance. This widely shared and fl attering view rests on the presupposition that the city exists and endures because it allows us to share lives of prosperity, opportunity, and fulfi llment. As the world’s population has grown, innovations have proliferated, economies have expanded, and people have been drawn together on the land. Across the centuries, we are told, the city has emerged as the settlement form that best enables people to provide for their needs and nurture their aspirations. The city seems to solve many of the problems that people confront in fi nding a place to live, raising families, creating communities, forming societies, and inventing nations. This is what progress looks like. Praise is always comforting, and the point of view that gives rise to this fl attery is so prevalent and so embedded in how we think about the city that it is impossible to imagine a more appropriate way of bringing people and activities together. What would be the alternative? Any replacement would seem to require a radical change in how people engage with each other, the many ways they meet their needs, and how they wish to be governed. Such an alternative borders on science fi ction. We can no more imagine a world without large cities than we can imagine a future without smartphones, automobiles, and surveil- lance cameras. Contemporary urban commentary is rooted in this assumption of progress, of a successive overcoming of challenges and a corresponding improvement in how we live together. New construction techniques, medicines, means of communication, production processes, and com- modities mark the advance of civilization. This assumption of progress, however, is wrong. The city has a dark side, acknowledged by even its most rabid advo- cates, of concentrated poverty, slums, racial discrimination, environ- mental destruction, anti- immigrant sentiment, and (now) terrorism. Too many residents in too many cities are exploited, marginalized, or treated unjustly. Although we have made advances in disposing of human waste, providing housing for large numbers of people, protect- ing the natural environment, and maintaining public health, thereby making it possible for large and dense cities to function, many of the problems these advances address— contaminated water, the paucity of inexpensive and high- quality housing, for example— persist. Moreover, the benefi ts have not accrued to everyone. Neither have contemporary cities banished the injustices and inequalities that plague all human relations. Nor are they ever likely to do so.4 ix

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