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China 1949–2019: From Poverty to World Power PDF

348 Pages·2019·3.653 MB·English
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Paolo Urio China 1949–2019 From Poverty to World Power – China 1949 2019 Paolo Urio – China 1949 2019 From Poverty to World Power 123 PaoloUrio Department ofPolitical Science andInternational Relations University of Geneva Geneva, Switzerland ISBN978-981-13-8878-1 ISBN978-981-13-8879-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8879-8 ©SpringerNatureSingaporePteLtd.2019 Thisworkissubjecttocopyright.AllrightsarereservedbythePublisher,whetherthewholeorpart of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission orinformationstorageandretrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilar methodologynowknownorhereafterdeveloped. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publicationdoesnotimply,evenintheabsenceofaspecificstatement,thatsuchnamesareexemptfrom therelevantprotectivelawsandregulationsandthereforefreeforgeneraluse. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained hereinorforanyerrorsoromissionsthatmayhavebeenmade.Thepublisherremainsneutralwithregard tojurisdictionalclaimsinpublishedmapsandinstitutionalaffiliations. ThisSpringerimprintispublishedbytheregisteredcompanySpringerNatureSingaporePteLtd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore Preface This book analyses China’s long march from poverty to world power. In 1949 China had just emerged from one century of foreign aggressions, a three- decade-long civil war, and a dramatic decline in economic, political, cultural and militaryresources.WheninOctober1949Maoproudlydeclarestotheworld:‘Ours willnolongerbeanationsubjecttoinsultandhumiliation;wehavestoodup’,the country is in no position to compete with foreign countries on any of the above- mentioned resources. But the Chinese leadership had the will to make the China dream, of becoming again a great power, come true. By building upon its plurisecularlonghistory,itsfundamentalvalues,andbyintegratingintoitsthinking the Western values that were compatible with its culture, China has succeeded in realizing that dream, little by little, following its traditional way of conceiving and implementing the strategy. InordertounderstandChina’sstrategy,itisimportanttorecognizethatwhereas its civilization developed outside our language, outside our history, independently from us, indifferently from us, China’s strategy to escape from poverty and to reclaim world power status, needed to develop within the international world the West made, first by European powers in the nineteenth, then by the US in the twentieth century. In analyzing China’s strategy to reclaim world power status in thetwentiethcentury,ithasbeennecessarytoanalysetheUS’sforeignpolicyinthe FarEast.BydoingsoinChap.6,Idiscussandcriticizetheimperialforeignpolicy the US has implemented since the foundation of the First Republic (1912–1949). Ibelievemycritiqueiswelldocumentedandhasledmetofindingsthatareshared bymanycriticalAmericanscholars,whowillbedulyquotedinthetext.American mainstream scholars, journalists, and think tanks’ researchers may be offended by such a strong criticism. To this reaction I can only reply by quoting Alexis de Tocqueville, who has praised American democracy more than any other European thinker: ‘The American, used to participating in everything that takes place within this country [i.e. America], believes he has an interest in defending everything which is criticized, for it is not only the country that one is thus attacking, but himself: consequently one sees his national pride resorting to all the artifices and stoopingtoall thepuerilities of individualvanity.Thereis nothing more annoying v vi Preface thanthisirritatinghabitoftheAmericanstofeelobligedtoexercisetheirpatriotism at all times. The foreigner would agree willingly to praise a great deal in their country,buthewouldliketobeallowedtherighttocriticizesomething,andthathe is absolutely forbidden to do. America is a country of liberty where, however, in order not to hurt anyone’s feelings, the foreigner must not speak freely either of private citizens, or of the governing powers, or of the governed, or of public enterprises,orofprivateenterprises,oranything,infact,thatoneencountersthere, except perhaps the climate and the soil; and you even find Americans ready to defend one or the other of those as though they had contributed to the making ofthem.’(AlexisdeTocqueville,DeladémocratieenAmérique,Paris,Gallimard, pp. 353–56, my translation from the French). Inthisbook,ItakestockoftheresearchIhaveconductedontheriseofmodern China,withemphasisonstrategicpublicmanagement.Itisbasedupontheresearch I have conducted in China since 1997, the analysis of several important works of Western and Chinese scholars, official documents published by the Chinese and Western governments, discussions with Chinese senior civil servants and intellec- tuals, as well as more than 30 visits to mainland China, covering 16 provinces. Moreover,IhavebeeninvitedtogiveconferencesinChinaonpublicmanagement topicsbyuniversitiesandpartyschools;therebyIhavebenefitedfromthequestions andremarksputforwardbytheaudience,professorsandresearchers,post-graduate students and senior civil servants. Ihavepublishedmyfindingsinfivebooksandfourarticles.TheycoverChina’s reformsandtheirpositive andnegativeconsequences,thecomparisonbetween the WesternandtheChineseNewPublicManagement,anevaluationofPrivate–Public Partnerships for in-transition countries (including China), the development of NGOs in China (both Chinese and Western), and China’s strategy for reclaiming worldpowerstatus.Thesebooksandarticlesconstitutethebasisforthisnewbook, to which I have added several updates and new analyses and perspectives. Having coveredseveralimportantaspectsoftheChinesestrategicpublicmanagement,Ifelt the need to put some order into my ‘Chinese construction site’, to give some rational and documented meaning and coherence to the ‘material’ collected on variousaspectsoftheChinese modernizationprocess.Thisistheoriginality ofthe book.Ofcourse,Ihavetakenmanypassagesfrommypreviousbooksandarticles, often in summary or in another wording. But I have not hesitated to take several passages as they are in the original publications, whenever the original is exactly whatIwanttotransmittodaytothereader.Inthesecases,Iconsideredthatitwould have been ludicrous to paraphrase the original for the sake of avoiding asking permission from the publishers concerned. Of course, I have asked permission whenever necessary. Many contradictory analyses have been put forward, especially by Western scholars (but also by some scholars of Chinese origin living in the West) on the very nature of the Chinese political system, the market or non-market character oftheChineseeconomy,therolethatthegrowingChinesemiddleclassmayplayin the political system (will it demand political freedom in addition to economic freedom?), the role that the so-called “Chinese red capitalists” may play (will they Preface vii favour a regime change?), the role of China’s growing power in the international system dominated until recently by the West, and especially the US. Basedonthesepreliminaryconsiderations,thebookproposesananalysisofthe contradictions that have developed within China since 1949, and the positive and the negative consequences of the public policies implemented to overcome these imbalances. ThestartingpointofthebookisChina’swilltorecoverworldpowerstatus.This fundamental objective, already put forward in my first book on China and further developed in my other books, has been the basis of the strategy of all Chinese governmentssincethelatedecadesoftheQingImperialDynasty.Itisofparamount importance for understanding the policies implemented since 1949, their rationale, content, implementation and consequences upon Chinese society and economy, as well as their sequence in time, i.e. the underlying grand strategy. In writing this book, I have tried to avoid a too technical approach. While I addresstheresultsofmyresearchtoanacademicaudience,Ipresenttheminaform accessibletoawiderpublic.Thechoiceofthis“intermediate”approachstemsfrom the fact that too many unbalanced accounts on China are being published both in academic writings and in newspapers and magazines accessible to the general public. My aim is to present here a documented view of the Chinese situation, avoidingthecatastrophicpredictionsofsomepeople,1aswellastheover-optimistic views of those who see China as a territory to be conquered, which is, in fact, the view of many Western businessmen. In organizing the six chapters, I tried to present them according to a sequence thatshouldmakethereadingaseasyaspossible:(1)inChap.1,Iputthedynamics of China’s development in the context of Xi Jinping’s slogan about the ‘China Dream’,andexplainunderwhatconditionsthisdreammaycometrue;(2)Chap.2 presents an analysis of Chinese culture in order to understand the fundamental valuesofChinesesocietythatorientbehaviourinthepublicdomain,(3)inChap.3, IanalysetherationaleofDeng’sreformsandtheirpositiveandnegativeimpacton Chinese society; (4) Chap. 4 analyses the policies adopted by the Chinese Government in order to correct the negative consequences of the reforms; (5) in Chap. 5, I analyze the innovations introduced in the management of the relation between State, society and economy, the opening of the decision-making process, the freedom given to NGOs and the resort to technologies and management tech- niquesimportedfromtheWest;(6)inChap.6,IanalyzeChina’sstrategytoreclaim worldpowerstatusandtheconsequentrestructuringoftheinternationalsystemthat puts an end to the world America made. In the conclusion, I develop some con- siderationsaboutthefutureofChinaanditspositioninthenewinternationalorder. As all the dimensions dealt with in the six chapters are linked to each other withinakindofstructuralinterdependency,therewillbemanycross-referencesthat havemaderepetitionsnecessary.Thesinologistmayfindthiswayofpresentingmy 1See,forexample:GordonG.Chang,TheComingCollapseofChina,NewYork,RandonHouse, 2001; Thierry Wolton, Le grand bluff chinois. Comment Pékin nous vend sa «révolution» capitaliste,Paris,Laffont,2007. viii Preface argument rather tedious. My purpose in doing so was to facilitate the reading for laymen, so that each chapter may stand on its own. Each chapter can be read independently of the others, and should the reader wish to find more detailed explanations, he may refer to the other chapters as suggested in the text. Geneva, Switzerland Paolo Urio April 2019 Acknowledgements First of all, I should like to thank Prof. Hu Angang, Founder and Director of the Institute for Contemporary China Studies of Tsinghua University. Prof. Hu encouraged and helped me in my quest for understanding China’s development strategy, by sharing his knowledge, providing his writings before they were pub- lished,appointingsomeofhisassistantstohelpmecollectdataanddocuments,and introducing me to Chinese intellectuals.2 I also benefited from the profound knowledge of China from my other col- leagues at Tsinghua University, Cui Zhiyuan, Wang Hui, Li Xiguang, and Liu Qiushi; as well as from Dong Keyong (Renmin University); Chen Dongqi, Sun Xuegong and Zuo Chuanchang (National Development and Reform Commissions —NDRC); Harry Liu Genfa (Party School of Shanghai Pudong); Su Wei (Chongqing Party School). Wang Qizhen, of Tsinghua University, provided invaluable support already in 2016whenIstayedatTsinghuatocompletetheinformationIneededforthisbook. Once I was back in Switzerland, she continued to help me, sending me the most recent data and relevant publications I needed for organizing and presenting in a meaningful way the material I had been collecting for over a decade. I am also indebtedtoHeShan,alsoatTsinghua,whosteppedinwhenWangQizhenwason leave.Moreparticularly,WangQizhenandHeShangavemeinvaluablesupportby updating the tables I used in my 2010 book, and by adding new data and tables kindly provided by Prof. Hu Angang. Chen Yali, a Ph.D. Chinese student at GenevaUniversity,whohasbeenworkingwithmesince2012,alsohelpedmewith analysis of articles and papers from mainland China. As usual, my British wife has helped me to put my English into a form acceptable to an international audience. 2A complete list of the persons (colleagues, assistants, civil servants, students) to whom I am indebted,withoutwhomIcouldneverhavebeenabletowritemybooksonChina,canbefound under‘Acknowledgements’ofmybooks. ix x Acknowledgements Last but not least, I should like to thank the publishers of my books for giving me permission to use parts of my previous publications. This book is based upon revised, updated and expanded versions of my writings on China published by Routledge: (cid:129) Reconciling State, Market, and Society in China. The Long March Towards Prosperity, 2010; (cid:129) China, the West, and the Myth of New Public Management. Neoliberalism and Its Discontents, 2012; and (cid:129) China reclaims World Power Status. Putting an End to the World America Made, 2018. University Press of America: (cid:129) Public Private Partnerships. Success and Failure Factors in Transition Countries, 2010 (editor), with a chapter on China. Peter Lang: (cid:129) L’émergence des ONG en Chine, Le changement du rôle de l’Etat-Parti, 2014 (written with Yuan Ying). Geneva, Switzerland Paolo Urio April 2019

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