Byzantine Hesychasm: Historical, Theological and Social Problems

288 Pages·1974·14.146 MB·English

by  John Meyendorff

John Meyendorff
Byzantine Hesychasm:
historical, theological and social problems
Collected Studies
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London 1974
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ISBN 0 902089 61 7
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CONTENTS
Introduction
I Les débuts de la controverse hésychaste 87-120
In: Byzantion, XX!II. Bmssels 1953
II L’origine de la controverse palamite. La première 3-28
lettre de Palamasà Akindynos
In: Theologia, XXV, pp.602-630. Athens 1954
III Une lettre inédite de Grégoire Palamas à 3-28
Akindynos. Texte et commentaire sur la
troisième lettre de Palamas
In: Theologia, XXIV. Athens 1953
IV Pis’mo k Akindinu Svyatogo Grigoriya Palamy. 113-126
A Russian translation of the third letter of
Palamas to Akindynos, and commentary.
ln: Pravoslavmya AlysT, X. Paris 1955
V Un mauvais théologien de Limité au XlVe 47-64
siècle: Barlaam le Calabrais
In: 1054-1954: L ’Eglise et les Eglises, II. Chévetogne
1954
VI Humanisme nominaliste et mystique chrétienne 905-914
à Byzance au XlVe siècle
In: Nouvelle Revue Thëologique, 79 No. 9. Louvain/
Paris 195 7
VII Le Tome synodal de 1347 209—227
In: Vizantoloshki Institut, Zbomik Radova, VIII.
Belgrade 1963
Vili Society anci Culture in the Fourteenth Century: 51 65
Religious Problems
In: XI Ve Congrès International des Lindes Byzantines,
Rapports I. Bucharest 6 12 September 1971
drees, l ures et Juifs en Asie Mineure au XIVc 211-217
siècle. (Hn appendice: la date de la prise tie
Callipoli)
In: Byzantinische Vorsehungen, I. Amsterdam 1966
X Alexis and Roman: A Study in Uyzanlino- 278-288
Russian Relations ( I 3 5 2 -1354)
ln: Byzantinoslavica, XXVIII, 2. Prague 1967
Projets de Concile oecuménique en I 367: un 149-177
dialogue inédit entre Jean Cantacuzène et le
légat Paul
In: Dumbarton Oaks Papers, h t Washington I960
Xll Le thème du “retour en soi" dans la doctrine 188-206
palamite du XlVe siècle
In: Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, CXI, V, 2.
Paris 1954
XIII Le dogme eucharistique dans les controverses 93-100
théologiques du XI Ve siècle
In: Gregorios ho Palamas, 42. Thessalonica 1959
XIV Notes sur l’influence dionysienne en Orient 547-552
In: Studia Patristica, II. Berlin 1957
XV Messalianism or anti-Messalianism? A Fresh 585-590
Look at the “Macarian” Problem
In: Kyriakon. Festschrift Johannes Quasten, II.
Münster 1971
XVI L’iconographie de la sagesse divine dans la 259-277
tradition byzantine
In: Cahiers archéologiques, X. Paris 1959
Index
INTRODUCTION
In the past fifteen years, an increasing number of
historians have recognized the importance of the social,
cultural, and intellectual trends originating in Byzantium and
shaping Eastern Europe in the fourteenth century. These
trends are directly or indirectly connected with the spiritual
movement known as “ hesychasm” and with the most
articulate proponent and apologist of that movement, the
archbishop of Thessalonica, Gregory Palamas (1269-1359;.
In 1959, 1 published my Introduction à l’étude de Grégoire
Palamas (Paris, Editions du Seuil: Engl. Tr. London, Faith
Press, 1964) and also the critical text, with French trans­
lation and commentary, of Gregory Palamas’ main writings
against Barlaam the Calabrian (Défense des saints
hésychastes, 2 vols., Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense 30-31,
Louvain, 1959: second corrected edition, 1973).
Since the publication of these works over two hundred
books and articles dealing with hesychasm and connected
issues have appeared. They were recently reviewed by Daniel
Stiernon, whose very comprehensive survey (1) can be
considered as exhaustive for works published in Western
languages and in Greek (but not in the Slavic languages). This
abundance of scholarly publications on the subject of
hesychasm requires from the reader a serious effort of
systematization and regrouping. The present reprinting of my
articles related to hesychasm and published both before and
after the appearance of my Introduction (1959) may
contribute to this task. It includes articles on the Byzantine
theological controversies of the fourteenth century (Nos.
1—VII), on the broader historical and cultural implications of
these controversies in Byzantium and in Eastern Europe
generally (Nos. VIII—XIJ, and on related theological
problems (Nos. X1I-XV1).
Unfortunately, 1 have no space here to describe or
discuss the debates spurred by my evaluation of palamite
theology and helpfully reviewed in D. Stiernon’s Bulletin
quoted above. I would like to mention only some publica­
tions which, using my own articles, reprinted here, have
introduced substantial new evidence and have thus developed
our knowledge of the historical facts themselves. Among
these, the most important is the publication of the entire
Corpus of Palamas’ writings (Tppyopiou τοϋ Παλαμά
Συγγράμματα) under the direction of P. Chrestou (Thessa­
loniki, 1962, 1966, 1970). To this collection, 1 have myself
contributed the text of the letters to Barlaam and to
Akindynos analyzed in articles 1 and II.
The issue of the “Chiones” (article IX) — Christian
converts to Judaism in Asia Minor with whom Gregory
Palamas, already archbishop of Thessalonica, held an inter­
esting dialogue during his captivity by the Turks - has been
significantly developed by G.M. Prokhorov (2). Following my
identification of the “Chiones” as Jews, he convincingly
defends the hypothesis of their Koraite identity, draws
attention to the popularity of Palamas dialogue among the
Southern Slavs and in Russia, and points to the probable
connection between the “Chiones” and other “judaizing”
groups, particularly in Novgorod.
The political influence and activity of John Canta-
cuzenos after his abdication in 1354, to which we have drawn
attention in article XI, is further discussed by L. Maksimovié,
who brings in important evidence confirming the role played
by Cantacuzenos in Byzantine internal politics during the
second half of the fourteenth century (3). The iconographie
theme of the “Wisdom of God” (article XIV) attracted the
interest of Russian “religious philosophers” at the beginning
of this century: it is discussed and developed again in
connection with literary sources and the Novgorodian heresy
of the Strigol’niki by T.A. Sidorova (4).
As the examples above clearly show, the issue of
“hesychasin” involves not only theologians but also social
historians and art specialists. The interdisciplinary character
of the ensuing debate can undoubtedly result in important
findings, providing, however, that one agrees on methodology
and on the meaning of terms. This agreement has not yet
been reached.
The term “hesychasin” , for example, is used in at least
four distinct senses:
1. It designates the phenomenon of Christian monastic
life, based on hereinitism, contemplation and “pure
prayer” , of which the writings of the great Evagrius
Ponticus (IVth c.) are the first articulate expression. The
term is widely used in this sense in patristic writings and
also in civil legislation (for example Just. 'Vor. 5; 3).
2. It is associated by modern authors with the psycho­
somatic methods of prayer, formally attested only in the
late fourteenth century. These practices were one of the
issues in the controversy between Barlaam and Palamas,
but “hesychasin” as such can certainly not be reduced to
the practice of those whom Barlaam disdainfully called
όμφαλόψυχοι (“people-with-their-souls-in-their-navel”) (see
our article XII).
3. The term “hesychasm” is also frequently used inter­
changeably with “palamism”, i.e. the system of concepts
developed by Gregory Palamas to explain and defend the
spiritual experience of his fellow-hesychasts, which is
based on the distinction in God between the transcendent
“essence” and the uncreated “energies” through which
God becomes knowable to man in Christ.
4. Finally, one finds today the concept of “political
hesychasm” , designating a social, cultural, and political
ideology, which originated in Byzantium and had a
decisive impact on social and artistic development among
the Southern Slavs and Russians (5).
These four ways of using the word “hesychasm” are by-
no means contradictory, but neither are they identical (6).
John Cantacuzenos, for example - a central figure by all
accounts in the history of fourteenth century Eastern Europe
- can be directly associated only with the third and fourth
meanings, w'hile Gregory of Sinai is a legitimate representa­
tive of the first two senses, even if his Byzantine and
Bulgarian disciples were highly prominent in the movement
described as “political hesychasm” .
What then is the common denominator which causes
many historians to use the same term in all these senses? It
seems to me that the answer lies in the fact that the hermits
on Mount Athos, the prelates voting in conciliar assemblies
and the politicians in the entourage of Cantacuzenos were
united by a common understanding of man and God — an
understanding which, for example, kept them from identify­
ing themselves in terms of their Hellenic heritage and thus
from using religion as a mere tool in obtaining Western help
against the Turks. Of course, this unity in a common religious
commitment must have been - and indeed was for some — a
cover for personal or political pursuits, especially when its
representatives held political or ecclesiastical power; but it is
difficult to deny the fact that the major options taken by the
leaders had fundamentally religious motivations, which
obtained additional strength from the fact that they were
traditionally understandable to the vast majority of Byzan­
tines and thus more popular among them (7). The debate
between John Cantacuzenos and the legate Paul (article XI)
cannot be interpreted otherwise.
This fundamental, religious motivation is what spurred
the widespread “hesychast” influence among the Slavs, who,
in the fourteenth century, had achieved full political and
cultural self-assurance and had little concern for either the
Byzantine Empire as such or the fate of Hellenism. The
Church of Constantinople, with its “ hesychast” patriarchs,
was the main channel for Byzantine leadership in Slavic lands
(8), and exercised this leadership with masterful skill until its
loss of spiritual prestige after committing itself to the Union
of Florence.
Until the middle of the fourteenth century, the distinct­
ly religious zeal and theological motivation of the
“hesychasts” seemed to have coexisted peacefully in
Byzantium with the philosophically secular interests of those
who are generally called the “humanists” (9). However, the
fierce conflict between Barlaam and Palamas (1337-1341)
revived a long-standing intellectual and spiritual incompatibil­
ity between the monks and the admirers of ancient Greek
philosophy.
The study of this new' debate leads contemporary
historians to a w'ide use of other terms which also lack
precision - “ Byzantine humanism” and “ Renaissance”. Art
historians wonder whether the “Paleologan Renaissance” in
Byzantine art is connected with secular, “humanist” trends
or with hesychast spirituality. The first point of view seems
to be widely accepted and implies that the triumph of
palamite theology in the middle of the fourteenth century'
led to the end of the artistic “ Renaissance” as such.
Meanwhile, the relationship between “hesychasm” and
artistic developments in the Slavic lands, particularly Russia,
is generally recognized (10).
Can then “hesychasm” be considered as “anti-
humanistic”? To answer this question a rather arbitrary
assumption is often made — that it was the “contemplative
hesychasm” of Gregory of Sinai, and not the “scholastic”, or
“dogmatic” , formulae of Palamas, which inspired the Russian
icon-painters (11). The assumption is in fact nothing but a
truism: doctrinal “formulae” as such hardly ever inspired
artists, but the content of the formulae did. In fact, it is
rather difficult to establish any significant differences in the
positive teaching of the various groups of “ hesvehasts” in the
fourteenth century about man, about God, and about
spiritual life. They certainly possessed a common set of
cultural, social and religious values.
Our conclusion, therefore, is that a religious revival, a
movement of Orthodox zealots, did indeed exercise a
significant impact on the intellectual, artistic, and social life
of Eastern Europe in the fourteenth century. However, if one
uses the term “hesychasm” to designate the movement —
which was united not so much by spiritual “ techniques” as
by a single inspiration about the possibility of experiential
knowledge of God, about the centrality of sacramental life,
about “deification” (theosis) as the ultimate destiny of man
- one should have in mind that this term would cover a
rather wide variety of types and individual expressions,
theological, artistic, or social, a variety due to circumstances,
rather than to ideological differences. By 1350, the impact of
this movement upon artistic creativity may well have been
different in an aging and impoverished Byzantine Empire on
the one hand, and the young and dynamic civilization
emerging in North-Eastern Russia.
The complexity of the problem, and also the import­
ance of the issues involved in the debate, still require much
cooperative effort by scholars in the fields of history,
theology, and art.
JOHN MEYENDORIE