ebook img

Blood and Iron — Manufacturing, War and its Aftermath - UQ eSpace PDF

59 Pages·2003·2.22 MB·English
by  
Save to my drive
Quick download
Download
Most books are stored in the elastic cloud where traffic is expensive. For this reason, we have a limit on daily download.

Preview Blood and Iron — Manufacturing, War and its Aftermath - UQ eSpace

Chapter Five 273 Blood and Iron — Manufacturing, War and its Aftermath, 1914-1919 World War I (1914-1918) had a significant impact on the Queensland economy, including the performance of the manufacturing sector. The war dramatically altered patterns of trade, internationally and domestically; exports and imports were disrupted, and shortages of skilled labour, materials, and capital, and reduced demand, all contributed to the unsettled conditions experienced in the manufacturing sector. The war effectively severed the strong growth trend in manufacturing activity that preceded the war. The vagaries of the world commodity markets, and local climatic conditions, severely affected primary processing and metals production. The outbreak of war shattered business confidence: production stalled, contracts were not renewed, productive capacity outstripped demand, and inflation increased prices which further stifled demand. Mass enlistments deprived many industries of much needed skilled labour and the loss of consumptive demand of the service personnel who left Queensland was sorely felt by local manufacturers. There was some structural change in the ratio of male to female employment in the early years as more females entered jobs vacated by the men. Restricted access to raw materials and manufactured items from overseas led to acute shortages of materials, especially iron and steel, chemicals, machinery, and machine tools. Opportunities to establish manufacturing ventures to exploit shortages in imported goods were reduced by shortages of labour, materials, and capital. The level of successful import replacement in Queensland was quite low. Despite these difficulties some progress was made, however, and structural changes and diversification were evident. Although manufacturing employment decreased and then stagnated, output increased and the sector solidified its increasingly important position in Queensland’s economy during the war. Australian Manufacturing and World War I World War I severely interrupted the patterns of trade within the international economy. Each nation, and the combatant alliances that evolved, steered production towards a war footing as their forces of production were mustered for war. World War I presented Australia with as many economic problems as it did opportunities. Overseas trade in its commodities was considerably disrupted. Australia’s export trade was not restricted by a lack of demand, but rather the commandeering of merchant fleets by foreign governments and wartime shipping Chapter Five 274 losses, meant that shipping was at a premium, and an outlying market like Australia therefore was particularly vulnerable to maritime transport shortages. At home, restricted imports tended to stimulate Australian industries to diversify towards the manufacture of goods which were usually imported. Some areas of the manufacturing sector prospered from Australia’s mobilisation, such as in food preparation, clothing, textiles, footwear, leatherware, metals, engineering, shipbuilding, and chemical production.1 While the war stimulated manufacturing production in some areas, and obstructed it in others, the gains made were often offset by shortages in skilled labour, materials, and capital which had the effect of generally retarding the sector.2 The Queensland War Economy The economic outlook for Queensland had been a positive one in the months immediately prior to the war: good seasons and strong overseas and domestic demand fuelled an expansionary phase. As has been previously noted in Chapter 2, the Denham government had overseen an expansion in rural settlement, immigration, and railway construction, stimulated by increased pastoral and agricultural exports. Optimistic appraisals of the prospects of the secondary industries in Queensland were conspicuous by their absence. Local conditions, such as the small and decentralised population, and higher than average wages, were significant deterrents to investment in manufacturing.3 The speed with which the economic dislocations affected Queensland astonished many Queenslanders. The economic confidence which abounded in July 1914 had virtually evaporated within days of the outbreak of war. Business confidence collapsed, orders were cancelled, and unemployment increased rapidly.4 The situation was exacerbated by the doubly cruel blow of a serious drought that began with the failure of the 1914-15 wet season.5 The drought severely hampered the productive capacity of the pastoral, agricultural and mining sectors.6 The economic crisis exposed many 1 Helen Hughes, 'Federalism and Industrial Development in Australia', AJPH, 10, 3, (1964), p. 329. 2 A.G.L. Shaw, The Economic Development of Australia (Croydon: Longmans, 1969), pp. 130-5. & N.G. Butlin, ‘Some Perspectives of Australian Economic Development, 1890-1965', in C. Forster, ed., Australian Economic Development in the Twentieth Century (Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1970), pp. 281-2. 3 W.R. Wilkie, Brisbane Chamber of Commerce Annual Report [BCCAR], 1913-1914, pp. 20-2. 4 Ross Fitzgerald, "Red Ted": The Life of E.G. Theodore (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1994), p. 58. 5 Dan Daly, Wet as a shag, Dry as a bone: drought in a variable climate (Brisbane: Department of Primary Industries Queensland, 1994), p. 117. 6 ‘The Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Shops for 1914-1915 [F&SR], QPP, 3 (1915-1916), p. 803; ‘Annual Report of the Department of Agriculture and Stock [A&SR], 1915-1916', QPP, 2 (1916-17), p. 645. & ‘Annual Report of the Under-Secretary for Mines [Mines], QPP, 3 (1915-1916), p. 1435. Chapter Five 275 weaknesses in the structure of Queensland’s economy, particularly its lack of industrial diversity. The imbalance towards, and reliance on, rural industries meant that Queensland’s economy was particularly vulnerable to fluctuations in overseas markets, and droughts and floods, when it could not fall back on a well developed and dynamic secondary industries sector as the commodity trade weakened. Opportunities which arose for the manufacture of new lines, to replace imports, were often missed because of the state’s deficit in manufacturing enterprises, skills base and capital formation.7 The spectre of unemployment was exacerbated by the rapid rise in inflation and the cost of living, shortages of capital for investment, and a corresponding growth in Commonwealth and state taxation.8 Despite these difficulties, some diversification took place and the Queensland Chamber of Manufactures (QCM) was pleased to note an increase in Queensland manufactured goods on the local store shelves and which also were supplied to the Australian and British armed forces. Some of these lines included ... glycerine, prismatic compasses and other scientific instruments, scientific glassware, brass buckles, harness and leather mountings, brass mounts for military equipment such as studs, etc., mild forged steel heel plates for boots, knitting needles, strong-room doors, engineers’ turning lathes, dehorning instruments, and numerous veterinary implements.9 The production of these items was more significant, however, than the contribution Queensland made to the manufacture of munitions. The economic impact of the war can clearly be seen in Queensland’s trade figures, which slackened markedly early in the war and then stagnated. Trade, the total value of imports and exports, fell from £19 million in 1913 to £17.2 million in 1914, with the value of trade only exceeding that achieved prior to the war in 1915 (£19.4 million), 1917 (£20.8 million), and in 1919 (£18.5 million). The value of Queensland’s exports fluctuated between £8 and £14 million during the war, while imports remained relatively stable between £6 and £7 million, with a low figure of £4.5 million in 1918. Pastoral and agricultural exports rose and fell dramatically, mining exports collapsed, while other manufactured and miscellaneous goods grew steadily. Despite difficult trading conditions, Queensland maintained a positive trade 7 ‘F&SR 1914-1915’, QPP, 3 (1915-1916), p. 803. 8 D.J. Murphy, The Establishment of State Enterprises in Queensland, 1915-1918, M.A. Qual., University of Queensland, 1965, p. 190. 9 ‘Industrial Events for the Month of April’, QIG, 1, 3, May 1916, pp.160-1. & ‘AGM’, BCCAR, 1915-16, pp. 34-5. Chapter Five 276 balance owing to the value of its exports exceeding that of it imports.10 The total value of production of all sectors stagnated between 1914 and 1916, and then rose before stagnating again between 1917 and 1919. However, where the rural industries stagnated, or showed only marginal increases in production, the manufacturing sector was notable for its steady growth.11 The increased cost of living and high unemployment were the most prominent political economic issues of the war years, and which gave rise to a rich vein of public dissent that Labor was to successfully exploit in the 1915 elections. The cost of living rose by 20 per cent between 1915 and 1918, while real wages declined by 16 percent between 1914-15 and 1918- 19.12 Contemporary research on prices conducted by the Commonwealth Inter-State Commission (I-SC) during 1917 and 1918 questioned the theory that increased prices occurred because of higher costs of wages and materials, owing to demand, and from the sustained high levels of government spending and the subsequent expansion of the currency. I-SC research found that the inefficient distribution of goods and price manipulation and exploitation by wholesalers’ associations were the primary causes behind price inflation. Indeed, the powerful Brisbane Merchant’s Association (BMA) was noted for its manipulative trading practices and propensity to ignore government price fixing proclamations.13 More recent research, however, demonstrates that the root cause of wartime inflation was the contraction of money markets when governments attempted to raise local sources of capital by offering above market interest rates on government securities. Gold exports were prohibited, and paper currency was introduced, which in turn prompted sustained rises in retail prices. While some of this increase can be attributed to the practices of wholesalers and others it was really a failure by price control authorities to deal effectively with the structural inflation associated with the fiscal policies of the state and Commonwealth governments that gave the greatest impetus to price inflation.14 In any event, the economic conditions brought 10 ‘Total Exports & Total Imports 1913-1919', Summary of Queensland Statistics, Statistics of Queensland [QSS], QPP, 1 (1931), pp. 22-5k. 11 ‘Production of Queensland Industries - Estimated Gross Value 1913-1920', A.B.C. of Queensland Statistics [ABCQS], 1929, p. 199; Commonwealth of Australia, Commonwealth Bureau of Census and Statistics, ‘Table 158 - Summary of Australian Production Statistics for the years 1909-10 to 1919-20', Production Bulletin No. 14, p. 103. & ‘Summary - Production’, QSS, QPP, 1 (1931), p. 20k. 12 A. Lougheed, The Brisbane Stock Exchange, 1884-1984 (Brisbane: Boolorang Publications, 1984), p. 90. & Shaw, Economic Development, p.131. 13 ‘Inter-State Commission of Australia - Prices Investigation No.6 Report - Groceries’, Inter-State Commission, 22 March 1918, pp. 8, 21-22 & 60-61. & ‘Inter-State Commission of Australia - Prices Investigation No.5 Report - Bread’, Inter- State Commission, 9 February 1918, pp. 21-23., A2: 1918/871, Australian Archives [AA] (ACT). 14 Shaw, Economic Development, p.131. Chapter Five 277 about by the war significantly altered international and domestic trading conditions for Queensland and made the lot of the manufacturers a most difficult one. The Manufacturing Sector in Queensland, 1914-1919: A Statistical Profile Factories World War I did little to assist the development of Queensland’s secondary industries. Indeed, it effectively halted the strong pattern of structural growth that was evident in the years immediately preceding the war. In most aspects the sector’s performance was less than positive, nevertheless the secondary industries survived the economic crisis. According to the Statistics the number of factories in operation remained relatively stagnant during the war years. In 1914 there were 1796 factories (with four or more employees) recorded, and this number declined by 100 between 1913 and 1915 to a low of 1742. By 1917 the number had grown to 1793, but had fallen to 1754 by 1919. The short post-war boom lifted factory numbers into another expansionary phase with their number approaching 1800 in 1920.15 During the war, the level of compliance and coverage of the Factories and Shops Act had improved considerably and the statistics provided in the ‘F&SR’ are therefore more useful. The ‘F&SR’ series indicates a quite different trend from that apparent in the Statistics figures. After a decline to 2643 factories by 1914 (a similar trend to that demonstrated in the Statistics), there was significant growth to 1915 (2832), to stabilise in 1916, before falling to a low of 2486 in 1917. This was followed by a very strong recovery to 3292 by 1920, the opposite of the trend recorded in the Statistics (see Fig. 5.1 and Fig. 5.2).16 15 ‘Summary - Factories’, QSS, QPP, 1 (1931), p. 20k. 16 'F&SR 1913-14', QPP, 3 (1914), pp. 50-9; '1914-15', QPP, 3 (1915-16), pp. 811-20; '1915-16', QPP, 3 (1916-17), p. 43; '1916-17', QPP, 2 (1917), pp. 1050-70; '1917-18', QPP, 1 (1918), pp. 1325-7; '1918-19', QPP, 2 (1919-20), pp. 261-70 & '1919-20', QPP, 2 (1920), pp. 700-10. Chapter Five 278 The disparity between the two series occurs because the ‘F&SR’ returns include the great many small factories, with fewer than four employees, that apparently have not been recorded in the Statistics. The ‘F&SR’ series suggests that there was considerable growth in the small establishments during this period, at least until 1918, and this, with the differences in geographical boundaries and census dates, accounts to some degree, for the larger number of factories recorded in that series. This discrepancy in itself indicates that the manufacturing sector was larger than is immediately obvious from the data recorded in the Statistics. Chapter Five 279 Table 5.1 QSS Factories Classified by Number of Employees, 1913-1920 [NB: ‘F&SR’ factory series by number of hands discontinued after 1911. However, a QSS series is available from 1911 and is used from that year onwards. * = Classifications altered after 1911] YEAR F&SR YEAR QSS 1-3 4 5-10 11-20 21-50 51-100 101+ 1912-13 2905 1913 1838 206 195 635 360 264 93 85 1913-14 2643 1914 1796 214 167 627 338 276 88 86 1914-15 2832 1915 1775 243 172 597 328 262 92 81 1915-16 2824 1916 1782 315 179 577 310 238 83 80 1916-17 2486 1917 1793 343 178 560 309 241 79 83 1917-18 2639 1918 1778 334 165 548 328 242 76 85 1918-19 3180 1919 1778 327 172 545 327 249 78 88 1919-20 3292 1920 1754 319 179 543 326 256 80 92 Sources: ‘Table - LXVIII’, QSS, QPP, 1 (1913), p. 58k; LXIX, QSS, QPP, 1 (1914), p. 58k; LXVIII, QSS, QPP, 1 (1915-16), p. 58k; LXIX, QSS, QPP, 1 (1916-17), p. 58k; LXIX, QSS, QPP, 1 (1917), p. 59k; LI, QSS, QPP, 3 (1919-20), pp. 40-1k. & LII, QSS, QPP, 2 (1921), p. 40k. The decline and stagnation in factory numbers was not universally experienced across the various classifications defined by the average number of employees per factory. In the group of factories with fewer than four employees there was a steady increase in numbers between 1914 (214) and 1917 (343), followed by a period of stability, with a slight decline after 1918 (334) to 1920 (319). In the 4-10 employee group, however, there was a steady decline from 791 in 1914, to a low of 713 in 1918, followed by a weak recovery in the two years to 1920 (722). The next group, with 11-20 hands, showed a steady reduction in numbers from 338 in 1914 to 310 in 1916 and 1917, with a recovery from 1918 (328) to 1920 (326). The 21-50 group increased strongly to 1914 (276) followed by a downward trend to a low of 238 in 1916, and then recovered to 256 by 1920. The 51-100 group increased from eighty-eight in 1914 to ninety-two in 1915. Factory numbers then contracted to seventy-six by 1918, prior to another recovery in the years to 1920 (80). In the final group, factories with 101 or more hands, the trend was opposite to that of the 50-100 group, showing a reduction from eighty- six in 1914 to a low of eighty by 1916. The group recovered strongly so that from 1917 it had overtaken the 50-100 group to reach ninety-two by 1920. These figures demonstrate that, in general terms, the larger firms employing over twenty employees fared better than the smaller concerns, with the exception of the group with fewer than four hands which expanded up to Chapter Five 280 1917.17 Employment Employment in the manufacturing sector declined markedly from a peak of 43,280 in 1914 to 40,150 by 1916. A soft recovery occurred through to 1918 (40,990) and, after stalling in 1919, the recovery gained momentum through to 1920 (43,200) (see Fig. 5.3).18 The ‘F&SR’ figures, although lower than the Statistics figures, reflected the different census dates and coverage of many smaller factories, but nevertheless revealed a similar trend.19 The employment trends experienced by male and female manufacturing workers were quite different during this period. Male employment increased from 34,175 in 1913 to 35,717 in 1914 (82.5 per cent of the total workforce), but with the outbreak of war the male workforce had declined to a low of 32,365 by 1916. A steady recovery was experienced after 1916 and by 1919 male employment had exceeded the 1914 figure (33,851 or 82.7 per cent of the manufacturing workforce) and by 1920 had reached a total of 36,011. 17 Table LXVIII, QSS, QPP, 1 (1913), p. 58k; LXIX, QSS, QPP, 1 (1914), p. 57-8k; LXVIII, QSS, QPP, 1 (1915-16), p. 57-8k; LXIX, QSS, QPP, 1 (1916-17), p. 57-8k; LXIX, QSS, QPP, 1 (1917), p. 58-9k; LI, QSS, QPP, 3 (1919-20), pp. 40-1k. & LII, QSS, QPP, 2 (1921), p. 40k. 18 ‘Summary ’, QSS, QPP, 1 (1931), p. 20k. 19 ‘F&SR 1913-14', QPP, 3 (1914), pp. 50-9; '1914-15', QPP, 3 (1915-16), pp. 811-20; '1915-16', QPP, 3 (1916-17), p. 43; '1916-17', QPP, 2 (1917), pp. 1050-70; '1917-18', QPP, 1 (1918), pp. 1325-7; '1918-19', QPP, 2 (1919-20), pp. 261-70 & Chapter Five 281 Female employment decreased slightly to 7565 in 1914, but unlike their male counterparts female employment gradually increased and reached a peak of 7783 by 1916. However, this trend was temporary: female employment slumped from 1917 onwards to reach a low of 7040 in 1919. A recovery, however, was evident by 1920 when a figure of 7185 was recorded (see Fig. 5.4 and Fig. 5.5a and Fig 5.5b). '1919-20', QPP, 2 (1920), pp. 700-10. Chapter Five 282 This disparity is important because the sexual division of labour in manufacturing indicates that the trades which were dominated by women, trades such as clothing, textiles, and some food preparation, fared better in the early years of the war, a trend that was later reversed. Indeed, the percentage of females in the manufacturing workforce increased from 17.5 per cent in 1914 to 19.4 per cent by 1916, and then returned to 17.2 per cent by 1919.20 This trend strongly suggests that there were two key issues affecting female manufacturing employment. First, clothing and food production were, to some extent, essential items and were less exposed to drastic cuts in demand during war. Second, the viability of these industries was enhanced by the lower wages paid to their predominantly female workforce and to some extant insulated these industries from reductions in demand and from price inflation. Statistics on the sexual division of labour in manufacturing are incomplete, but some examples of the scope of female employment in secondary industries are useful. There was a significant increase in the intra-sectoral activity of females in the manufacturing industries during the war. Industries dominated by female employees had increased by 1914 to include, textiles (85 females out of 129 employees), clothing and shirt making (3773 out of 4861), dressmaking and millinery (1408 out of 1425), hat and cap making (88 of 127), paper box and 20 Table LXVIII, QSS, QPP, 1 (1913), p. 57-8k; LXIX, QSS, QPP, 1 (1914), p. 57-8k; LXVIII, QSS, QPP, 1 (1915-16), p. 57-8k; LXIX, QSS, QPP, 1 (1916-17), p. 57-8k; LXIX, QSS, QPP, 1 (1917), p. 58-9k; LI, QSS, QPP, 3 (1919-20), pp. 40-1k.

Description:
Chapter Five World War I (1914-1918) had a significant impact on the Queensland engineering, shipbuilding, and chemical production.1 While the war exports, fell from £19 million in 1913 to £17.2 million in 1914, with the value of trade
See more

The list of books you might like

Most books are stored in the elastic cloud where traffic is expensive. For this reason, we have a limit on daily download.